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not for some moments be heard.

talk of the police of London, or any police that could be sufficient to oppose such tumults. If the Government and Parlia ment neglected to take proper measures

He agreed that it was wise to give directions to the police and military to be as forbearing as possible, since the subject was one, of all others, on which some degree of intemper-to repress them, it would be quite idle and ance might be expected and excused; but ridiculous to continue talking in that if this intemperance were pushed too far, House about the rights and liberties of forbearance would be construed into pusil- Englishmen, at a time that no man was lanimity. It ought to be remembered in safe in his own house. If such proceedcensuring the police, that in a large me-ings were allowed to continue, there could tropolis, it was impossible for the police to be present at all points of attack. It was far better, however, to err on the side of lenity than of severity: severe measures, in his judgment, ought not to be resorted to until there was not a man in the metropolis, with the exception of those who suffered from them, who would not admit that they were justifiable.

Lord Castlereagh was not aware that members had sustained any personal injury or inconvenience in attending their duty in parliament since the former night. Riots of this kind were happily not of frequent occurrence in this metropolis, and consequently the means of preventing or quelling them might not so readily be resorted to. He hoped that hon. gentlemen would feel the same spirit of forbearance before they attached blame to the magistrates, who had not been guilty of any pusillanimity, although they might have acted with too little severity on par

ticular occasions.

Mr. Whitbread said, that though he did not mean to assert that the magistrates might have prevented the tumult or the interference of the military when it was excited, yet he thought that a reprimand to them would have been well timed, and might have prevented many calamities. On a future day he hoped that due inquiries would be made into the steps adopted by the Executive Government. The House could not be ignorant that an unconstitutional police had been raised by act of parliament at a great annual expense, for the express purpose of rendering unnecessary the interposition of military to preserve the peace of the metropolis. He hoped, on investigation, that it would turn out that the police had been properly distributed, and that its timely aid had been required: no man was more anxious that lenity should be shewn than himself; but it should remembered that if recurrence were had to severe measures, they were made requisite by the negligence of the police.

Mr. Yorke thought it quite nugatory to (VOL. XXX.)

be no government or parliament in the country, unless the parliament was with drawn from the metropolis, and summoned to meet in some other city or town in the kingdom. He trusted, however, that those disgraceful scenes would be soon terminated.

Mr. Alderman Atkins thought the danger so pressing, that he recommended the immediate introduction of a bill, which might then go through the first stage, for establishing additional magistrates in all the parishes of the metropolis, with a proportionate number of constables.

Mr. Huskisson remarked, that a bill was not necessary for such a purpose, if additional aid were required. After what had passed that night, and after the devastations the infuriated and blind rabble had committed, he hoped that no member would again venture to assert that the proceedings of the House had given sufficient provocation to the people of England to commit these outrages. The greatest danger had resulted entirely from the mode in which these debates had been conducted. This night he had heard with indignation that he could scarcely repress, the basest motives and lowest designs attributed to the supporters of this measure.

The Speaker here interposed, and reminded the right hon. gentleman that there were several orders of the day to be disposed of. . Mr. Baring rose with considerable warmth, conceiving that he had been personally alluded to by the right hon. gentleman who had just sat down. He hoped that the House would allow him to say a few words to vindicate himself from what he considered a most unprovoked attack.

Mr. Fitzgerald interposed, and said that if Mr. Baring had any claim to be heard, Mr. Huskisson had a right to conclude what he was about to say when interrupted by the Chair.

Mr. Tierney conceived that Mr. Huskisson had finished the accusation he made upon his hon. friend, who had a right to be heard in his own vindication.

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Mr. Fitzgerald repeated his remark, but | from the confusion prevailing in the House, it was scarcely audible.

The Speaker, when order was restored, remarked, that he had interrupted the right hon. gentleman, conceiving that he was transgressing the bounds usually assigned. If he were allowed to conclude, after due reflection, upon what he had before said, it would be but just that Mr. Baring should be permitted to reply.

Mr. Huskisson added, that he had stated his confirmed opinion, and could not be induced to retract it. The hon. member had said, as he understood, that the disturbances had been occasioned by the provocations afforded by the House. This was a sentiment on which it became any and every member to animadvert. What he was about to say further at the time the Chair interposed, was, that he implored the House not to attribute the basest and most unworthy motives to members who defended the Bill, but in future discussions to avoid accusations, and discuss the measure upon its real merits.

Mr. Baring said, that what remarks he had made upon the Bill he had offered in the conscious discharge of his duty, from which nothing should induce him to shrink. It was most unjust and unfair that individual in that House should any point out another, from the line of conduct that others pursued, as the author of the ill-treatment of the members, and of the disturbances in the metropolis. Whatever were his opinions upon this Bill, he had declared them, and would still avow them, and what effect those opinions might have out of doors was not for him to consider or care. Free discussion was most necessary upon a measure like the present; and if gentlemen on the other side were not to be terrified into voting against the Bill, he was not to be awed into an acquiescence in what he thought a ruinous measure, lest popular feeling should be excited and expressed. He had given it as bis opinion that there was no danger which ought to induce the House to precipitate the Bill, and what he had stated was only to induce the House to proceed with due deliberation. He admitted, that if the complaints of the people were ill-founded, nothing ought to induce the House to go a line out of its way. He again protested against any member rising and pointing out another as the author and abettor of the disgraceful riots that had lately disturbed the metropolis.

Nothing, however, should deter him from stating fully, fairly, and freely, the deliberate convictions of his mind.

The Chancellor of the Exehequer then moved the other orders of the day, and the subject was dropped.

MUTINY BILL.] On the Report of the Mutiny Bill being brought up,

Sir Samuel Romilly moved a clause, "That it shall not be lawful for any Court-martial, by its sentence, to inflict on any offender a greater number of lashes than one hundred."

Mr. Manners Sutton opposed the clause, on the ground that it was rendered unnecessary in consequence of steps taken by the Commander-in-chief. He also entered into an explanation to shew how much the practice of military flogging had declined.

After some conversation between Mr. Manners Sutton, Mr. Whitbread, and Mr. Wynn, sir Samuel Romilly consented to withdraw his clause, it being understood that he should be at liberty to bring it forward again at another opportunity. The Report was then agreed to.

HOUSE OF COMMONS. Thursday, March 9.

On

SCOTCH TRIAL BY JURY BILL.] moving the second reading of this Bill, Mr. William Dundas observed, that a measure more important in its object and beneficial in its consequences, as relating to the administration of justice in Scotland, had never been introduced to the attention of that House. He was confident that nothing more was necessary to insure its support, than to state the purport of the present Bill. The blessings resulting to England by that invaluable mode of trial by jury, were well and accurately understood; every writer on the English constitution had made it the constant theme of panegyric. All that Scotland now asked was to share that advantage, and he was therefore well assured, that to the general principle no opposition would be made in that House.

Mr. Abercrombie could not suffer so important a measure to pass, without expressing his complete satisfaction, and his conviction of its beneficial consequences. If it had not excited much attention in that House, it was only because no individual doubted the propriety of the principle of a trial by jury; and he felt as

sured, that the silence with which it had passed would convey to Scotland the impression of every member within those walls, as to that most beneficial mode of administering justice.

The Bill was then read a second time, and ordered to be committed on Tuesday next. On the motion of Mr. Dundas, it was resolved that the House should, on Monday next, consider of the salaries of the judges and officers to be appointed under the Bill.

Mr. Horner rose to express his great satisfaction at the introduction of the Bill. There was, however, a very important feature in it, which deserved mature consideration; he meant the discretion given to the court to order the trial. That was a privilege which ought to be viewed with the utmost jealousy; but as the Bill was merely experimental, and was not intended to be a permanent measure, he should not oppose it on that account. Other points might be discussed in the committee.

Mr. Dundas was happy to find, that he should have the assistance of the hon. and learned gentleman.

Mr. Finlay entirely acquiesced in the principle of the Bill.

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take preparatory steps for resuming its payments in cash. That, however, could not be effected till the price of gold were reduced to the Mint price. When that period arrived, the Bank would adopt measures for returning to payments in specie; but while the price of gold was above the Mint price, there were persons who would always contrive to melt the coin. To the words in the early part of the amendment, he had no objection; since he had always expressed his individual anxiety to return to payments in cash, and he was persuaded that it would be the anxious wish of the Bank to pay their notes as soon as possible.

Mr. Manning said, he had always stated his individual anxiety to resume cashpayments, and he knew that the gentlemen with whom he acted, wished to return to that state of things as soon as it could possibly be done without producing results highly inconvenient to the country. He wished to recall to the recollection of the hon. mover of the amendment, the concluding words of the Report of the Bullion Committee, that in the event of peace, two years would be the shortest period before the restriction could be taken off. It was well known that we were not yet in any thing like a state of

BANK RESTRICTION BILL.] After the peace: we had yet a large foreign exthird reading of this Bill,

Mr. Horner moved as an amendment, to leave out certain words, and to insert in their place a clause somewhat to this effect: "That whereas it was highly desirable that the Bank should, as soon as possible, resume its payments in cash, immediately after the passing of the present Act, measures should be taken by the Bank to enable them to resume such payments." His object in proposing this amendment was, that the Bank should, in the fifteen months longer allowed them, lose no time in preparing to resume cash-payments, and not consider this as a new lease of exemption from paying in specie.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer had no objection to the introduction of the first part of the amendment, which expressed the desire of a resumption of cash-payments, as he himself felt a sincere wish for that event; but he would certainly object to the latter part, which required the adoption of immediate measures for that purpose.

Mr. Rose objected to the amendment, as it would tend to mislead the country: it implied, that the Bank, if urged, might §

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penditure; while this foreign expenditure was going on, and till the state of exchanges was fixed, it would be highly dangerous to return to cash-payments. of the first effects of such directions to the Bank would be to induce them to restrict their issues; and the effect of this would be felt throughout the whole country.

Lord Archibald Hamilton wished to know from the Chancellor of the Exchequer, upon what he rested his hope that we should ever be able to return to cash-payments? It seemed to him that he had no other ground for this, than the vague wish that the evil might cure itself. The governor of the Bank (Mr. Mellish) had been present at several discussions, but he seemed to take no interest in, nor to pay any attention to what was going on. The Bank must first reduce their paper before they could resume their cash-payments; and this was contrary to their immediate interest, for in proportion as they issued paper, in such proportion were their profits.

Mr. Horner consented to take only the first part of his amendment. His purpose in proposing the amendment was to record the difference in principle on this ques

tion. He agreed that the Bank could not
open cash-payments till the market and
Mint price of gold were the same; but
then the Bank must take steps themselves
to bring this about. He contended that
the present amendment was perfectly con-
sistent with the Report of the Bullion
Committee. We had been already ten
months at peace, and by the present Bill
fifteen months were added to the period
of the restriction, which amounted to more
than two years.
The House might rest
assured that unless Parliament interposed,
payments in cash would never be resumed
by the Bank of England, whatever might
be the good wishes expressed by the di-
rectors in that House. He then altered
his amendment to the following words:
"That it is highly desirable that the Bank
of England should, as soon as possible,
return to the payment of its notes in cash."
Mr. Rose said, that his expectations of
payments in specie being resumed, arose
from this: the price of gold in January
1814, was 51. 10s. an ounce, but, on ac-
count of peace, it fell in August last to 41. 4s.
The large importation of corn which fol-
lowed, raised it to its present price; but
when that importation ceased, and foreign
ports were shut, gold would fall again,
and the Bank would then be able to return
to payments in specie.

licy, and whether the House should resign its own judgment to the Bank? He alluded to the vast profits of the Bank of England in its connexion with the public, and thought that a sufficient ground for parliamentary inquiry. There were three sources of emolument to the Bank, exclusive of the usual profits of trade. The first was by the management of the public debt, the transfer of stock, and payment of dividends; by this they had received, up to February last, 265,000l. per annum, which had been increased by the new debts to 270,000!. The second source of gain was from the deposit of the public money. That deposit was no less than ten millions annually, while their advance towards the public expenditure was three millions without interest, leaving in their hands seven millions. The last, though not the least source was by means of this Bill now pending, by which they had increased their issues from the year 1797, to the present period, from 10 to 30 millions; and any person might conceive what im mense profits must result from so exténsive an issue. He thought that the public had a right to a participation of those gains, much greater than what they received at present.

Mr. Thompson had such confidence in the discretion of the directors of the Bank of England, that he was perfectly satisfied to rely upon their taking the proper measures to resume payments in specie, when circumstances would warrant such a step. He was quite at a loss to know upon what ground gentlemen were anxious to force a cash circulation at this moment. It did not appear to him, that the means by which gold was obtained was known to the generality of members, or he was sure they would not press the adoption of such a measure at this juncture. If it was once known that the Bank of England was purchasing bullion, the consequence would be an immediate rise in that article, and the exchanges, instead of being favourable, would be in a material degree unfavourable to this country; commerce would be thereby impeded, and the interests of the manu. facturers would be sacrificed. The restraint on the issues of specie, he was satisfied, had been of great advantage to the commerce of this country, and particu

Mr. J. P. Grant was satisfied that no person was anxious to force the Bank directors improperly to resume their cashpayments. He thought that the late fall in gold in this country might be attributed to the immense quantity of depreciated Russian and Austrian paper which inundated the continent. The gold was thereby forced into England, as it had formerly been driven from it by a similar cause. This was at least a plausible explanation of the variation that had occurred in the price of bullion. All that he desired was, that the Bank should commence measures with a view to what every person considered necessary; and he hoped and trusted, that if the right hon. gentleman and his friends should find it impossible next year for the Bank to return to payments in cash, they would themselves move the House to inquire into the subject. Mr. Grenfell was persuaded, that if the House did not urge the Bank, payments in specie would never be resumed. Not-larly to those transactions which had taken withstanding the high characters of the directors of the Bank of England, he begged leave to ask, whether it were not possible that they might err as to sound po

place in London; and, for his own part, so little did he value a coin currency, that if he possessed a thousand guineas tomorrow, he would carry them to the Bank,

and receive notes in their room, as being much more convenient.

Mr. Baring said, he was by no means prepared to agree with the hon. gentleman who spoke last, as to the superiority of paper over gold and silver. He wished to see the currency once more restored to a sound state, and to see a mixed issue of and coin, which would be alike vapaper luable at home and abroad. Although he admitted that the commerce of the country had been considerably benefited by paper issues; now that we were at peace, he hoped, although he did not expect, that ere long we should see the depreciated notes of the Bank of England superseded by the standard coin of the country; and he further wished, that in future no minister should be tempted to depart from this principle under any circumstance. While he was up, he begged to make a few observations upon the state of the silver coinage. Whenever we should return to a sound circulation of gold and silver, be thought it was of the utmost importance that Government should pay some attention to the introduction of such a silver coinage as would supply the place of the French coin, by which this country was at present inundated, and for which we were paying a premium of at least 60 or 80 per cent. It was impossible that we could look to the Bank of England to supply our deficiencies in this respect. He thought a coinage might take place at 10 or 15 per cent. under the standard value of silver, whereby a security would be afforded for keeping such coin in the country, and it would not be liable, at every little fluctuation in price, to be melted down for purposes of trade. This plan would not at all affect contracts, because silver was a legal tender only to a small extent, and gold might be, as it always had been, the real standard of the country, by which contracts with individuals might be regulated. Such silver coinage might even be 20 per cent. below the standard value, and this would amply compensate for the expense of coinage, and the loss upon the base coinage in circulation. He suggested also that gold pieces of the value of 20s. should be issued, which might be more easily divided into aliquot parts.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer said he rose merely to correct a misrepresentation which had abroad as to what he had gone said on this subject upon a former night. He had expressed his hopes that the Bank

would be able to resume their cash-payments on the 6th of July, 1816, but he had not said he was confident they would do so. Mr. Horner's amendment was then agreed to.

Mr. Grenfell rose to introduce an amendment, the effect of which would be to limit the period of the restriction in the same manner as the property tax was li mited by the Act of 1806, viz. to insert after the words 5th of July, 1816,' the words and no longer.' This, he observed, would not tie down Parliament if it should be found advisable to continue the restriction, while it would fix the period of it, if nothing meanwhile occurred to prevent it.

Mr. Rose thought it quite sufficient that Parliament had described the limits of the restriction, and was of opinion that the amendment was utterly useless, and would only tend to mislead.

Lord Archibald Hamilton supported the amendment, because, though it could notbind Parliament, it would express strongly its present sense as to the time at which the Bank should resume its payments in cash. Since the year 1797 the restriction had been continued as a matter of course, and now it appeared to Parliament that the restriction should not be again renewed, it was proper that their opinion of the inexpediency of further renewal, should be stated.

Mr. Pole Carew thought the amendment perfectly unnecessary.

The House divided:
For the Amendment
Against it...........

Majority.....

List of the Minority.

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Mackintosh, sir J.

Morland, S. B.
North, Dudley
Ponsonby, G.

Philips, G.

Powlett, W. J. F.
Tierney, G.

WAYS AND MEANS-NEW TAXES.] The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, that on rising to move for the postponement of the committee of ways and means till Monday, he was not actuated by any desire to put off that part of the debate which related to the new taxes; but as several gentlemen wished to propose alterations, and as they must at present be very much

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