piqued himself more on expertness of thought than sobriety of judgment. Through all the calamities of Ireland, the mild voice of conciliation never escaped his lips; and when the torrent of civil war had subsided in his country, he held out no olive to shew that the deluge

had receded.

Acting upon a conviction, that his power was but co-existent with the order of public establishments, and the tenure of his office limited to the continuance of administration, he supported both with less prudence and more desperation than sound policy or an enlightened mind should permit or dictate. His extravagant doctrines of religious intolerance created the most mischievous pretexts for his intemperance in upholding them; and, under colour of defending the principles of one revolution, he had nearly plunged the nation into all the miseries of another.

His political conduct has been accounted uniform, but in detail it will be found to have been miserably inconsistent. In 1781 he took up arms to obtain a declaration of Irish independence; in 1800 he recommended the introduction of a military force to assist in its extinguishment; he proclaimed Ireland a free nation in 1783, and argued that it should be a province in 1799; in 1782 he called the acts of the British legislature towards Ireland, "a daring usurpation on the rights of a free people;" and in 1800 he transferred Ireland to the usurper. On all occasions his ambition as despotically governed his politics as his reason invariably sunk before his prejudice.

Though he intrinsically hated a legislative union, his lust for power induced him to support it; the preservation of office overcame the impulse of conviction, and he strenuously supported that measure, after having openly avowed himself its enemy; its completion, however, blasted his hopes and hastened his dissolution. The restlessness of his habit, and the obtrusiveness of his disposition, became insupportably embarrassing to the British cabinet-the danger of his talents as a minister, and the inadequacy of his judgment as a statesman, had been proved in Ireland. He had been a useful instrument in that country, but the same line of services which he performed in Ireland would have proved ruinous to Great Britain, and Lord Clare was no longer consulted.

The union at length effected, through his friends, what Ireland could never accomplish through his enemies-his total overthrow. Unaccustomed to control, and unable to submit, he returned to his country, weary, drooping, and disappointed; regretting what he had done, yet miserable that he could do no more: his importance had expired with the Irish parliament-his patronage ceased to supply food for his ambition-the mind and the body became too sympathetic for existence, and he sunk into the grave, a conspicuous example of human talent and human frailty.

In his person he was about the middle size-slight, and not graceful— his eyes large, dark, and penetrating, betrayed some of the boldest traits of his uncommon character-his countenance, though expressive

and manly, yet discovered nothing which could deceive the physiognomist into an opinion of his magnanimity, or call forth an eulogium on his virtues.

Of Lord Castlereagh it will only be necessary to remark, that the bold and statesman-like career which opened with the Irish Union was more amply developed in the progress of his after-life. His public character has long been before the world, and undergone praise and censure, according to the party feelings of those who were its examiners. In private life, Lord Londonderry was admired and beloved; and even from political opponents his brilliant talents and personal intrepidity commanded an unqualified respect.

CHAPTER XXXIII.

VENALITY OF THE IRISH PARLIAMENT-CORRUPTION OF ITS MEMBERS-PROGRESS OF THE DEBATE IMPORTANT DIVISION ANECDOTES.

WE mentioned in the preceding chapter the general result of the opening debate upon the Union, and alluded to the closeness of the division. Were it necessary to establish the disgusting venality of the Irish representatives, two disgraceful episodes attendant on that memorable debate, will prove how utterly useless to the country was the home representation from which she was about to be delivered. The secession of Mr. Trench, and the indecisive position in which Mr. Fox found himself, led to two of the most extraordinary scenes of parliamentary corruption which have ever been witnessed or recorded.

Premising, that after a violent debate of twenty hours, it seemed probable that government might be left in a minority, the following singular occurrences took place, damnatory of the most corrupt body which ever had existence. The anecdotes are narrated by one of the most ardent admirers of native administration-and we will give them in the words of a personal witness—a member of the house at the time.*

"It was suspected that Mr. Trench had been long in negotiation with Lord Castlereagh, but it did not in the early part of that night appear to have been brought to any conclusion-his conditions were supposed to be too extravagant. Mr. Trench, after some preliminary observations, declared, in a speech, that he would vote against the minister, and support Mr. Ponsonby's amendment. This appeared a stunning blow to Mr. Cooke, who had been previously in conversation with Mr. Trench. He was immediately observed sideling from his seat, nearer to Lord Castlereagh. They whispered earnestly, and, as if restless and undecided, both looked wistfully towards Mr. Trench.At length the matter seemed to be determined on. Mr. Cooke retired to a back seat, and was obviously endeavouring to count the houseprobably to guess if they could that night dispense with Mr. Trench's services. He returned to Lord Castlereagh-they whispered-again looked most affectionately at Mr. Trench, who seemed unconscious that he was the subject of their consideration. But there was no time to lose the question was approaching-all shame was banished-they decided on the terms, and a significant and certain glance, obvious to every body, convinced Mr. Trench that his conditions were agreed to. Mr. Cooke then went and sat down by his side; an earnest but very short conversation took place; a parting smile completely told the house that Mr. Trench was that moment satisfied. These surmises

* Sir Jonah Barrington.

were soon verified. Mr. Cooke went back to Lord Castlereagh,—a congratulatory nod announced his satisfaction. But could any man for one moment suppose that a member of parliament, and a man of very large fortune, of respectable family and good character, could be publicly, and without shame or compunction, actually seduced by Lord Castlereagh, in the very body of the house, and under the eye of two hundred and twenty gentlemen? Yet this was the fact. In a few minutes Mr. Trench rose, to apologize for having indiscreetly declared he would support the amendment. He added that he had thought better of the subject since he had unguardedly expressed himself,-was convinced that he was wrong,—and would support the minister."

The second of Sir Jonah's statements is as remarkable, and more amusing; and the peculiar style of the ex-judge of the Irish admiralty court, gives it so pointedly that we will not abridge it :

"Mr. Luke Fox, a barrister of very humble origin, of vulgar manners, and of a coarse, harsh appearance, was endued with a clear, strong, and acute mind, and was possessed of much cunning. He had acquired very considerable legal information, and was an obstinate and persevering advocate; he had been the usher of a school, and a sizer in Dublin university; but neither politics nor the belles-lettres were his pursuit. On acquiring eminence at the Bar, he married an obscure niece of the Earl of Ely's; he had originally professed what was called whiggism, merely, as people supposed, because his name was Fox. His progress was impeded by no political principles, but he kept his own secrets well, and being a man of no importance, it was perfectly indifferent to every body what side he took. Lord Ely, perceiving he was manageable, returned him to parliament as one of his automata; and Mr. Fox played his part very much to the satisfaction of his

manager.

"When the Union was announced, Lord Ely had not made his terms, and remained long in abeyance; and as his lordship had not issued his orders to Mr. Fox, he was very unwilling to commit himself until he could dive deeper into probabilities; but rather believing the opposition would have the majority, he remained in the body of the house with the anti-unionists, when the division took place. The doors were scarcely locked, when he became alarmed, and slunk, unperceived, into one of the dark corridors, where he concealed himself: he was, however, discovered, and the serjeant-at-arms was ordered to bring him forth, to be counted amongst the anti-unionists-his confusion was very great, and he seemed at his wit's end; at length he declared he had taken advantage of the Place Bill, had actually accepted the Escheatorship of Munster,* and had thereby vacated his seat, and could not

vote.

"The fact was doubted, but, after much discussion, his excuse, upon his honour, was admitted, and he was allowed to return into the corridor."

*The Irish Escheatorships were similar to the English Chiltern Hundreds-Crown offices in name.

The most curious wind-up to Mr. Fox's parliamentary history is, that through Lord Granard (an anti-unionist), he once more obtained a seat, ratted a second time, and was raised to the Irish bench for his apostasy.

By such means and such supporters the address was carried.

On the same day (22nd of February) the House of Lords assembled to receive the speech of the lord-lieutenant. There, the opposition was feeble in the extreme, and the peers, with a very few exceptions, agreed to the address. The number of the anti-union nobility was too small to allow their resistance to be effectual; the Bench of Bishopsthose of Down and Limerick excepted-were staunch supporters of the Government. The debate was under the eye, and it might almost be said, the control of the master-spirit of the time, the daring and gifted Chancellor.

"The education of the Irish noblemen of that day," observes Barrington," was little calculated for debate or parliamentary duties;* they very seldom took any active part in parliamentary discussions, and more rarely attained to that confidence in public speaking, without which no effect can be produced. They could argue, or might declaim, but were unequal to what is termed debate; and being confirmed in their torpidity by an habitual abstinence from parliamentary discussions, when the day of danger came, they were unequal to the contest."

*One personal sketch of Beauchamp Bagenal, member for Carlow, is so descriptive of an Irish legislator of that day, that we give it.

"He was one of those persons, who, born to a large inheritance, and having no profession to interrupt their propensities, generally made in those times the grand tour of Europe, as the finishing part of a gentleman's education. Mr. Bagenal followed the general course; and on that tour had made himself very conspicuous. He had visited every capital of Europe, and had exhibited the native original character of the Irish gentleman at every place he visited. In the splendour of his travelling establishment, he quite eclipsed the petty potentates with whom Germany was garnished. His person was fine-his manners open and generous-his spirit highand his liberality profuse. During his tour, he had performed a variety of feats which were emblazoned in Ireland, and endeared him to his countrymen. He had fought a prince-jilted a princess-intoxicated the Doge of Venice-carried off a duchess from Madrid-scaled the walls of a convent in Italy-narrowly escaped the Inquisition at Lisbon-concluded his exploits by a duel at Paris; and returned to Ireland with a sovereign contempt for all continental men and manners, and an inveterate antipathy to all despotic kings and arbitrary governments.

"Domesticated in his own mansion at Dunleckny-surrounded by a numerous and devoted tenantry-and possessed of a great territory, Mr. Bagenal determined to spend the residue of his days on his native soil, according to the usages and customs of country gentlemen-and he was shortly afterwards returned a representative to parliament for the county of Carlow, by universal acclamation.

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Though Mr. Bagenal did not take any active part in the general business of the Irish parliament, he at least gave it a good example of public spirit and high-minded independence. His natural talents were far above mediocrity; but his singularities, in themselves extravagant, were increased by the intemperance of those times; and an excellent capacity was neutralized by inordinate dissipation. Prodigally hospitable, irregular, extravagant, uncertain, vivacious; the chase, the turf, the sod, and the bottle, divided a great portion of his intellects between them, and generally left, for the use of parliament, only so much as he could spare from his other occupations."