ceeding in a hackney-coach to the place of execution, the worthy divine made a last effort to remove his unbelief. Emmet listened for a short time patiently, then turning to Dr. Dobbin he requested him to forbear. "I appreciate your motives, and I thank you for your kindness, but you merely disturb the last moments of a dying man unnecessarily. I am an infidel from conviction, and no reasoning can shake my unbelief." If any sparks of disaffection lingered in the country, the mad outbreak of this deluded man finally extinguished them. The democratic feeling ten years before rife in the north of Ireland, and prevalent among the Presbyterians, had, long before Emmet's emeute, been generally repudiated, a political change had been wrought rapidly in Ulster, and the educated and intelligent portion of the kingdom, whom American connection and French example influenced for a time, had detected the unsound principles of theoretic liberty, and disowned the rotten foundations upon which mob-governments are superstructed. When Russell, an early disciple of the republican school, attempted to operate a movement in the north, not half-a-dozen fools could be found to listen to delusory principles, which had been tested and found wanting; and when he suffered the extreme penalty of the law at Downpatrick, the utmost charity to which his quondam admirers reached, was to declare that he was insane-a conclusion no doubt correct. The legislative Union of Great Britain and Ireland, which followed immediately on the insurrection of '98, has ever been considered as a pendant on that unfortunate era in Irish history. Like the Union of the Scottish and the English crowns, that enactment which incorporated the countries met with virulent opposition. But although half a century has well-nigh elapsed, and all the advantages promised from the Irish Union may not yet have been fully developed, still, the connection has proved too valuable not to force a conviction of its mutual utility on all who dispassionately consider the relations of both kingdoms. For party-purposes, its legality has been questioned, and a severance of the Act which binds England and Ireland by reciprocated advantages, has been freely recommended. But common sense points out the project as Utopian—and a few years hence, the blessings of Repeal, like the promises of Jack Cade, will be found in practicability, pretty similar. In one material point the demagogues differed-the Reformer of London Stone might himself have credited the assurances he gave his followers-while, whomsoever beside might be deluded, the Irish Agitator never was a dupe himself. Britain may descend from her high position among nations, the sovereignty of the seas be lost, and the monarchy overturned-then, indeed, a Repeal of the Irish Union may take place-but not till then. Wrry APPENDIX. THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED IRISHMEN IN 1791. 1st. This society is constituted for the purpose of forwarding a brotherhood of affection, a communion of rights, and a union of power among Irishmen of every religious persuasion, and thereby to obtain a complete reform in the legislature, founded on the principles of civil, political, and religious liberty. 2nd. The members of this society shall either be ordinary or honorary, and shall not be limited to any description of men, but to extend to all persons who may be deemed eligible. 3rd. Every candidate for admission into this society shall be proposed by one member, and seconded by another, both of whom shall vouch for his character and principles, and whose name shall be entered on the books of the society; the candidate to be ballotted for on the society's subsequent meeting, and if one of the beans be black, he shall stand rejected. 4th. As a fund is necessary the better to carry into effect the purpose of this association, each member, on his admission, shall pay tothe society the sum of per month while he shall continue a member. and 5th. The officers of this society shall be a secretary and treasurer, who shall be appointed by ballot every three months, viz. on every first meeting in November, February, May, and August. 6th. This society, in manner aforesaid, shall appoint two members, who with the secretary shall act for the society in a baronial committee, which members shall receive on each night of their attend ance on said committee. 7th. This society shall in manner aforesaid appoint members, who, with the treasurer, shall form a committee of finance, &c. 8th. At the request of either committee, or any members signing a requisition, the secretary, or if he should be absent, the treasurer shall call an extra meeting of the society. 9th. This society shall meet in ordinary every evening at o'clock; the president to be chosen by the majority of the members present, of whom shall be a quorum. 10th. Every respect and deference shall be paid to the chairman. On his rising from his seat and taking off his hat, there shall be silence, |