come to the departed in God by changing of this transitory life; yea, and divers other ways did move and cause scruple of coldness in faith unto the weak; besides, that many of the wiser sort, weighing the impertinent charges bestowed upon black cloth and other instruments of those funeral pomps, might worthily find fault with the expense thereupon bestowed-considering, therefore, how at this present the observation of the times of outward mourning and wearing of the dole was far shortened and omitted, even among mean persons, from that it was wonted to be; considering, further, how private men should reserve their private sorrows to their own houses, and not diminish the presence of their Prince with doleful token," the Council, in the name of the King, "did specially dispense with the said Duke for the wearing of dole either upon himself or upon any of his family, or the continuing of other personal observances such as heretofore were had in solemn use, as serving rather to pomp than to any edifying."* The House of Commons still favoured the Duke, and, in the early part of the year, had consulted about restoring him to the office of Protector. This plan was stopped by their prorogation, but, in December, he received a very great mark of favour from the King, for, upon the distribution of a band of horsemen among the nobles, as many as 100 were appointed to him. Warwick was, meanwhile, still quietly working for his final overthrow. He endeavoured to ruin him in 1551. the royal favour by means of certain emissaries who beset the King continually with tales and insinuations against him, and used every means of causing him such mortification as he hoped might drive him into some act or expression which would prejudice him in the eyes of the rest of the Council. For some time his attempts were unsuccessful, for Somerset used the greatest caution, and continued to enjoy the royal favour *Froude's Hist. + Dict. Nat. Biog. and to be invested with greater powers by the Council who, May 10, made him Lord Lieutenant of the counties of Bucks and Berks, and sent him to preserve order in the counties of Oxfordshire, Wilts, Hants, and Sussex, which were threatening an insurrection.* About this time, Somerset is said, but apparently without foundation, to have made interest with the Lord Strange to persuade the King to marry his daughter Jane, and also to act as a spy to advertise him when any of the Council should speak privately with His Majesty, and, if possible, acquaint him with what was said. In spite of all his efforts, however, his enemy's schemes soon began to take effect. The King became more attentive to the calumnies that were told him, and the Duke himself began to lose the patience he had till then shown, and to show his provocation at the daily affronts to which he was exposed by Northumberland's party. This state of things was aggravated by an unfortunate occurrence. Richard Rich, Lord Chancellor, though outwardly concurring with the Council, was beginning secretly to favour the Protector's restoration to power and sent him several letters acquainting him with the doings and intentions of Warwick and his party. One of these letters, unfortunately, he entrusted to a new and ignorant servant with instructions to deliver it safely. The letter was simply addressed "To the Duke," and the servant therefore delivered it to the first Duke he came across, who happened to be the Duke of Norfolk, a bitter enemy of Somerset's.† All through the summer of 1551, Warwick and the Council had been making new changes and inno1551. vations in the religious services, which, though applauded by the more zealous reformers, had placed the country in a state of ferment. Princess Mary was their greatest difficulty, but the Council, thinking themselves secure, determined, on August 9, to put down *Dict. Nat. Biog.; Froude's Hist.; Pollard, England under Protector Somerset. + Burnet, 2, 182. her resistance. "They considered how long and patiently the King had laboured in vain to bring her to conformity -and how much her obstinacy and the toleration of it endangered the peace of the realm." They decided, therefore, that her chaplains should in future be compelled to use the English service, established by law, in her chapel; while Edward was to write and reprove her for her stubbornness.* Somerset was the only one to openly take her part.† His name is, indeed, attached to the various resolutions of the Council, but as, when in power, he had permitted her "to keep her sacrificing knaves about her," so now he endeavoured to prevent their withdrawal; he even went further, and strongly urged a general toleration, a desire which was later added as a crime to the list of charges against him. It is indeed probable, as Froude says, that he was getting somewhat weary of Protestantism, seeing what Protestantism had become, and preferred to superintend his architects and masons to attending chapel and hearing violent sermons.‡ Warwick's administration meanwhile had been causing such widespread discontent that Somerset's followers began to regain courage and to make plans for his restoration. As early as the last days of the session, February, 1550, the idea had been discussed amongst many members of the Lower House, but the dissolution had prevented anything further being done in the matter.§ It had not, however, escaped Warwick's notice, and, fearing the result of a discussion in Parliament, he had resolved to do without one as long as he could, or at any rate until he had made certain of Somerset's destruction. The latter of course was not ignorant of the schemes that were being formed against him, and seems to have thought of seizing and imprisoning his three greatest * Froude. † Dict. Nat. Biog. Froude, Letter, Burgoyne to Calvin. $ Tytler, 11, 15; Pollard, England under Protector Somerset. Pollard, England under Protector Somerset. enemies, Warwick, Northampton, and Pembroke. Whether he would have done so or not, there is no proof to show, and nothing was done in the matter. Somerset himself was ill during the whole of September and unable to attend the meetings of the Council, and during his absence his enemies had time to formulate their designs. On the 4th of October he was summoned to attend them, apparently only for the purpose of seeing Warwick created Duke of Northumberland, and many of his adherents advanced likewise.* Three days later Sir Thomas Palmer, "a brilliant but unprincipled soldier," revealed a plot, which he alleged had been made by Somerset in April, to raise the people in the north and to murder Warwick. To this confession he added, during the next few days, that Somerset meant to have secured the Tower, raised the city of London, killed the horses of the gendarmes, secured the Great Seal with the aid of the apprentices, and invited Warwick, Northampton, and others to a banquet at Lord Paget's house, where they were all to be slain. (Note 43.) Such was Palmer's story. How false a one may be seen by the fact that Warwick himself confessed before his own death that Somerset had through his means been falsely accused ;§ and that Palmer, before his death, also declared that the evidence to which he had sworn had been invented by Warwick, and had been maintained by himself at Warwick's request. (Note 44.) On the 11th, the Council ordered an enquiry into Somerset's debts to the Crown. This, coupled with Warwick's advancement, raised his suspicions that some scheme was being carried out against him, but he made no move, and continued his attendances at Court and at *Dict. Nat. Biog. + Dict. Nat. Biog.; Froude. Froude; Wriothesley's Chronicle, 11, 56-57. the Council Board as if nothing had happened. On the 16th he was suddenly arrested and sent to the Tower in the evening, and during the next few days the Duchess of Somerset, the Earl of Arundel, Lord Grey, Sir John Thynne, Sir Miles Partridge, Sir Michael Stanhope, Sir Thomas Arundel, Sir Thomas Holcraft, John Seymour, David Seymour, and many others were imprisoned.* all so large a number of people were arrested, against whom there was no charge, that it appears as though an attempt was being made to persuade the people that some huge conspiracy had been discovered. In Somerset's popularity had been so great that Warwick thought it necessary to take the greatest precautions in order to avoid a rising of the people. London was overawed by a great parade of gendarmerie, and the city elders were ordered to "be greatly circumspect to see good and substantial watches and warding" kept, and were told that this was necessary because Somerset had plotted "to destroy the city of London and the substantial men of the same." In order further to distract the minds of the people, several measures of reform were promised but never carried out, and fearing the meeting of Parliament, which was to take place in November, Warwick contrived to have it prorogued to the end of January.‡ This gave him three more months in which to bring his schemes to a head. November was spent in a series of private examinations of the prisoners in the Tower, but no evidence of such importance as to suit Warwick's plans could be secured. Palmer, by himself, was not a man whose confessions would obtain much credence, and Crane, the other principal witness, had nothing of importance to confess, yet if Warwick was to succeed, evidence must be forthcoming. An order was therefore sent to Sir * Pollard, England under Protector Somerset, p. 289. Pollard, England under Protector Somerset, p. 289. ↑ Council Warrant Book, Royal MSS., 18, c. 24, f. 142 b. § Pollard, England under Protector Somerset ; Journal in Lit. Remains, Edward VI. I |