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were that faction, to whom it was owing, that a vestige of the Bri. tish government was still to be traced in the country, without whom they would have lost Ireland in the last year, and without whom they could not hold it during the next. At first the noble lord professed that no man should be allowed to vacate, unless he gave satisfactory assurance that his seat was not to be sold. He stated it as a fact, and desired to be contradicted if it were not so, that the noble lord had totally abandoned that principle, which he admitted was a fair and honourable one; he stated it as a fact, that since he made that profession he had allowed seats to be vacated, where he knew that money was to be given by the successor, and that he had refused permission to vacate, as in the instance of the honourable colonel, where he knew that no money was to be given. He stated it as a fact, that it was publicly avowed by government, that voting or not voting for the Union, was the sole rule by which the permission to va cate should be regulated. Would any man after that be so sense. less, as to believe that government wished for the fair sense of the parliament or of the people; would they deny, that they had purchased the newspapers to admit publications only on one side? Would they deny, that they had instructed sheriffs to prevent the sense of the counties being collected by the convening of county meetings? were they ready now to have the counties of Ireland convened and to abide the test of their declarations on the ques tion? It was notorious that the power of government had been strained in every corner of the kingdom, to prevent the sense of the people from being declared. He was informed, that their emissaries actually descended so low as to threaten a publican in the city of Cork, that his license should be withdrawn, if he ventured to receive into his house a number of gentlemen, who afterwards affixed their signatures to an address, thanking the par liament for having rejected the Union. They were told distinct ly, that the measure was not to be pressed against the sense of parliament and people, but whilst they shewed that they were straining every nerve to corrupt the sense of parliament, and to stifle the voice of the people, they could not be believed.

The attorney general strongly recommended to the minister to keep the disposal of offices to himself, and not to betray that part of the prerogative of the crown, by answering the interrogatories of any member of that house

Mr. J. C. Beresford asked how would it appear to the people of the country when they should see members of that house, who were adverse to the measure of an Union, and who happened to hold rank in the British army, sent out of the country in order to thin the house, and give a majority to government, and when it should be seen that the place bill was made a tool of in the hands

of government, to enslave parliament, instead of maintaining it free.

Hon. F. Hutchinson, called Mr. J. C. Beresford to order, for the purpose of recalling his attention to the question under debate, and not from an apprehension that his honourable friend could succeed in his endeavour to inflame the people. The season for that delusion was now past: the discussions, which had taken place in both countries had informed the public judgment, and it was too late now to practise any delusion upon it with effect. He said, that to the best of his observation, there was a strong growing sentiment in favour of the Union in many parts of the kingdom. He spoke more particularly of the South, where his connexions lay; he said he believed it to be true, that fifteen parts out of sixteen of the property of the county of Cork had, by public resolutions, declared their opinion in favour of the measure, that the sentiment of a most numerous and respectable meeting holden in Cork had been long since known; that he had taken pains to inform himself of the opinion of the county of Kerry, and that he had the best grounded reasons to think that nearly the whole weight of the property of that county was favourable to the Union. He said, he referred to those parts of the kingdom only, with which he happened to be particularly connected; that from these and similar facts, which other gentlemen might state from their local knowledge, he desired permission to controvert the assertion so often repeated, that the sense of the majority of the nation was adverse to the Union. He said, he could not help observing, that this assertion contained in itself a monstrous assumption, when it was a fact which could not be controverted, that the Catholics, who composed that majority, had, as a body, cautiously refrained from delivering any public opinion upon the question. Having mentioned the Catholic body, he stated, among other grounds of argument, that he sustained the Union, principally because it was his firm persuasion, that it would have the effect of restoring to the Catholics their just rights, and would place them in a situation of perfect equality with their Protestant fellow-subjects; that in speaking of Ireland, it ought always to be remembered, that no nation had ever been in this respect similarly circumstanced. He said, it was time to apply a remedy to the evils arising from that exclusion, and that conceiving the Union to be that remedy, he would sustain it whensoever brought before parliament, considering it as a measure calculated, among other wise purposes, to heal the dissentions of that country, and to strengthen and cement the force of the empire. He begged leave, before he sat down, to advert to some observations, which had been made on the conduct of sheriffs. He had the honour of standing in that situation for the

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county of Tipperary. He had been applied to to call a meeting of certain baronies, and afterwards had received a requisition to convene the county, to consider of the questión of a legislative Union he had declined to comply with either of these requisitions; but in so doing, he acted in compliance with the opinion and advice of the majority of the rank and property of that great county, whose sentiments he had thought it his duty to consult, and by whose sentiments he had been directed. They conceived, from the disturbed state of the country, among other reasons, that the time for this meeting was inopportune; they had stated this opinion to him in a public paper, conceived in the strongest terms. His opinion coincided with theirs, and he had acted accordingly.

Mr. G. Ponsonby, and also Mr. W. B. Ponsonby spoke very warmly against this abuse of the prerogative for the unfair purpose of biassing the parliament; and a very irregular and intemperate debate ensued. Amongst the speakers Mr. Martin took an opportunity of enlarging upon the merits of lord Cornwallis's administration.

Was it not by his wisdom, more than by his arms, that the rebellion had been put down? Had not the expectation of his clemency done as much to preserve Ireland, as the terror of his power? Had he listened to intemperate, bigoted councils, and counsellors, when the French landed at Killala, the rebellion would have raged in every county as much as it had in Wexford and at the battle of New-Ross; by his mercy he conquered the rebels, for he separated from them those who were forced by terror, or even those who were deluded. But his excellency boasted a better conquest: it is one over himself, over his own nature, when his duty forbad him to spare those, who by irreclaimable wickedness became the proper objects of punishment; and where real objects of punishment had been found, he defied the calumniators of his administration not to allow, that his excellency considered with a mild firmness what was due to justice as well as to humanity.

There were three or four individuals, who blamed, what almost as many millions approved. The Marquis Cornwallis did not submit to be the pliant, docile pupil of those, who used to command when it was their duty to obey, but without such assistance, and in defiance even of their own machinations, he had saved Ireland. That he had saved Ireland, witness the confidence of a disciplined army: witness the confidence which the country had in them, and which both had in the name of Cornwallis. That he had saved Ireland, witness again the repose of every part of the island, with an enemy hovering on the coast, and known to be destined for invasion. Why did they not hear of a rebel

army assembling? For this reason, that no country was ever in a better state of preparation. Did his excellency accomplish that by consulting any of the great parliamentary undertakers? No, he was enabled only to accomplish it by separating from them, from that faction who expelled one commander in chief, and obliged the late lord lieutenant to apply for his recall. Those were the acts, on which the public would decide the merits of his excellency's administration, and not on hearing to whom the office of escheator had been granted or refused.

The debate was put an end to by the question of adjournment, which was carried by the minister, there having been on the division 47 for, and 33 against it.

The house having adjourned to the 1st of June, the commons attended their speaker to the House of Lords, where his excellency delivered the following speech from the throne.

"MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,

"I HAVE received his majesty's commands to "release you from your further attendance in parliament, in or"der that the various parts of the kingdom, which are still agi"tated by the projects of the disaffected may reap the advantage "of your more immediate vigilance and protection.

"I am at the same time to thank you in his majesty's name "for the continued and undiminished zeal, which you have ma "nifested for counteracting the wicked plots of internal conspira66 tors, and for the defeat of every hostile attempt, which the des"peration of the enemy may meditate.

"The situation of affairs on the continent has been materially "improved in the period, which has elapsed since the commence"ment of the session. The signal advantages already obtained 66 by the Austrian arms, and the vigorous and decisive exertions "on the part of Russia, must be subjects of great joy and con"gratulation of all, who can estimate the value of established or"der and legitimate government. I know the pleasure you

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must derive from the consoling prospect that Ireland may be "ultimately rescued from the ravaging arms and the desolating * principles of France.

"GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS,

"I THANK you in his majesty's name for the "large and extraordinary supply, which you have so honourably "voted to meet every wish of the government and every exi66 gency of the state. You must reflect with the highest satisfaction upon the liberal co-operation, which in every moment of

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*19 Com. Jour. p. 145.

"difficulty you have experienced from the British parliament; " and I have the fullest confidence, that the public spirit of this 46 country will not be found inferior to that of Great Britain in "submitting to such temporary burthens as the safety of the "community may require.

"I sincerely regret that so extensive a demand should be made "upon your liberality, but when no measure has been left untri"ed by the malice of our enemies to sever this kingdom from "the British empire, and to involve you in all the horrors of re"bellion and massacre, you have displayed true wisdom in pro"portioning your exertions to the blessings you have to preserve, "and the miseries you have to avert.

"MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,

"I AM to return you his majesty's acknowledgments "for the many important measures you have accomplished this "session. Your liberality and justice to those who have suffered "from their loyalty will confirm the exertions of the well-dis"posed, and your judicious provisions for the regulation of paper 66 currency are calculated to preserve its credit from depreciation "without diminishing the necessary circulations.

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"I am sensible of the confidence, which you have reposed in "me, by enabling me to exercise the powers of martial law in "the manner best adapted to the present circumstances of the (6 country. It will be my care to employ those powers for the purposes for which they were given, by taking the most effec"tual and summary measures for the suppression and punishment "of rebellious proceedings interfering as little as possible with "the ordinary administration of justice among his majesty's "peaceable subjects.

"I have his majesty's particular commands to acquaint you, "that a joint address of the two houses of parliament of Great "Britain has been laid before his majesty, accompanied by re"solutions proposing and recommending a complete and entire "Union between Great Britain and Ireland, to be established by "the mutual consent of both parliaments, founded on equal and "liberal principles, on the similarity of laws, constitution and go"vernment, and on a sense of mutual interest and affections. His "majesty will receive the greatest satisfaction in witnessing the "accomplishment of a system, which by allaying the unhappy "distractions too long prevalent in Ireland, and by promoting "the security, wealth and commerce of his respective kingdoms, "must afford them at all times, and especially, in the pre"sent moment, the best means of jointly opposing an ef"fectual resistance to the destructive projects of foreign and do"mestic enemies; and his majesty, as the common father of his

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