Imatges de pàgina
PDF
EPUB

In the House of Commons, on the same day, 21st of April, Mr chancellor Pitt moved the order of the day for the house to resolve itself into a committee to consider of his majesty's most gracious message relative to the propositions of the Irish parliament for an incorporating Union with Great Britain.

Previous to the speaker's leaving the chair, he also moved, that the resolutions of both houses of parliament agreed to last sessions, relating to the Union with Ireland, with the address thereon to his majesty, be referred to the said committee.

Mr. Jones rose; but the speaker informed him, that if he had any objections to urge, the proper stage would be upon the question for going into a committee.

Mr. chancellor Pitt expressed his regret at observing a disposition on the part of the honourable gentleman to oppose the speaker's leaving the chair. He wished that honourable gentleman, and the house in general, to recollect that the present question was, whether it were proper to proceed to the consideration of a message of his majesty, recommending a measure which had been the result of an address of the house? He moved" that the speak66 er do leave the chair."

Mr. Jones said, that, inasmuch as he considered the measure, it went in its operation to annihilate the parliament and representation of Ireland, and to eradicate and tear up root and branch the British constitution, he felt himself bounden to give it every opposition in his power. After the firm, determined, and manly manner, in which Ireland had revolted at the projected slavery holden out by the present measure, he should have thought it inconsistent with the prudence, discretion, and moderation of his majesty's ministers to have abandoned it till a season when the feelings of the people of Ireland were less inimical to it. But his majesty's ministers, he was sorry to observe, were resolved to effect their purpose. To attain which, they first applied to the virtues of the people of Ireland, recommending the measure as one calculated to insure the prosperity of their country. Their virtues determined them to reject propositions so adverse to their liberties. He feared that a different mode had since been adopted; that an appeal had been made to their vices; that corrup tion had been resorted to, and no means had been left untried by his majesty's ministers to accomplish their object. Their motto had been

"Flectere si nequeo superos Acheronta movebo."

He referred them to one of the speeches of Mr. Foster expressive of his disapprobation of the conduct of his majesty's ministers, in not being induced by the general indignation of the peo

ple of Ireland to abandon their intention of carrying the Union into effect.*

He called upon the country gentlemen in particular to exert themselves upon the present momentous occasion. "Sir," said he," I shall give as decided a vote against your leaving the chair as ever proceeded from the mouth of man."

The motion was then agreed to, and the house resolved itself into a committee, Mr. Sylvester Douglas in the chair.

As soon as a committee was formed, Mr. Pitt assuming the sense of the house to be determinately favourable to the principle of Union entered upon the discussion of the particular mode of carrying it into effect. As to the propriety of allowing one hundred members to sit for Ireland in the imperial House of Commons, he was sensible of the difficulty of finding a precise ground, upon which a just estimate of that point might be formed; but he was the less anxious about it, as the particular number was not very important. If there should be a sufficient number of representatives to make known the local wants, state the interests and convey the sentiments, of that part of the empire, the impartiality and collective wisdom of the united parliament would ensure a due attention to the general security and welfare. Population alone would not form a good criterion; but, if it should be combined with the idea of the proportional contributions of the two countries to the public exigencies, the result might be fairly applied to the present occasion. It would allow more than five for Great Britain to one for Ireland; and thus 100 members might be deemed a satisfactory number for the latter country. The mode of selection was the next point of consideration. It was not his wish to augment by this arrangement the influence of the crown: the selection adopted by the parliament of Ireland might rather be thought favourable to the popular interest. The members for

" But if I dislike the whole of the measure for its mischief and imperfections, I reprobate still more the means proposed for effecting it. When the noble lord mentioned compensation for the boroughs, he saw the feelings of the house; and I was happy to observe that in his printed speech (which he has mentioned) it was omitted. I thought the indignation which appeared had induced him to abandon it; but I now find from his right honourable friend, that it is not given up. Were I speaking in another parliament, I should impute the hardiness which mentioned such a base and humiliating bribe, to a previous knowledge that it had received the approbation of many members. What is the plain language of it? I am to propose a measure by which two hundred of you are to lose your seats; many of you have bought them; and others claim a right to them; you shall not suffer; the public shall pay you for selling yourselves and your constituents; and the price you receive shall become the purchase money for your selling your country afterwards. It is a most monstrous unconstitutional offer Do you publicly avow that borough represen tation is a private property, and do you confirm that avowal by the government becoming the purchasers?"

counties and the principal cities would be sixty-eight; the rest would be deputed by towns the most considerable in population and wealth. Thus the choice would provide both for the security of the landed interest and for the convenience of local information; and, as the proposed addition would not be accompa nied with any change in the internal form of British representation, it would not alarm the enemies of innovation. Whatever were the opinions which he formerly entertained on the subject of parliamentary reform, he was not ashamed to acknowledge that he now thought it imprudent and hazardous to make any attempt of that kind. When he reflected, that the spirit of reform had led to mischievous changes and dangerous subversions, he dreaded the effects of political experiment. When he considered also, that, amidst the late fiery trials, the constitution of this country had remained pure, untouched in its vital principles; that it had supported itself against open attacks as well as against insidious machinations; that it had disappointed the hopes of France, and baffled the efforts of jacobinism; and that, during the whole contest, it had retained the confidence of the nation; he should deserve the strongest censure, should he attempt, in the vain hope of improvement, to disturb a system which had been found sufficient, in the most perilous of times, to protect the general interest and to maintain the public security and happiness.

As it might be wished that very few of the members thus sent from Ireland should hold places under the crown, he proposed that the number for the present, should be limited to twenty, and that the imperial parliament should afterwards regulate this point as circumstances might suggest,

The number of peers, who should represent the whole body of the Irish nobility, might, he said, be properly fixed at thirty-two. Four would suffice to inform the parliament of the state of the church; and the rest would form a fair proportion, considered "with reference to the case of Scotland and to the number of delegates from the commons of Ireland. The election of the temporal peers for life he recommended as a mode more conformable to the general spirit of the establishment of nobles, than that which was settled at the Scotish union. The right reserved for Irish peers to sit in the House of Commons as representatives of the counties or towns of Great Britain, he was likewise disposed to approve, as, without violating the constitution, it would furnish them with opportunities of acquiring political and legislative experience, which certainly would not render them less qualified for serving their country in a higher parliamentary assembly. The permission of creating new peers of Ireland he also justified; for, though in Scotland the peerage might maintain itself for a very long course of time without any accession, from the great extent

of inheritance allowed by the generality of the patents, there was a risque of such a diminution of the number of Hibernian peers, from the limitation of the right of succession, as might at no very distant period render the election individual.

In the article respecting the church, he noticed the clause introduced by the parliament of Ireland, providing for the presence of the clergy of that country at convocations which might be holden in this island. This he pronounced a reasonable addition; and the propriety of leaving to the imperial legislature the discussion of the claims of the Catholics, would at the same time be nerally allowed.

ge

The next article, he said, would grant a general freedom of trade, with only such exceptions as might secure vested capital, and prevent a great shock to any particular manufacture, or to popular prejudice. It was stipulated that almost all prohibitions should be repealed, and that only protecting duties to a small amount should be imposed on some few articles. If the British manufacturers should sustain partial loss in consequence of any of the new regulations, their liberality would induce them to consider it as compensated by general advantage. His arguments in support of the intended regulations of finance between the countries, were similar to those of lord Castlereagh: he concluded his speech in the following words: "The ample discussion, "which every part of this subject has met with, (so ample that "nothing like its deliberation was ever known before in any le"gislature) has silenced clamour, has rooted out prejudice, has "over-ruled objections, has answered all arguments, has refuted "all cavils, and caused the plan to be entirely esteemed. Both "branches of the legislature, after long discussion, mature deli"beration, and laborious inquiry, have expressed themselves "clearly and decidedly in its favour. The opinion of the people, who, from their means of information, were most likely, "because best enabled to form a correct judgment, is decidedly "in its favour. Let me not say, for I do not intend it, that "there were among the intelligent part of the public, none who were against the measure; I know there were; and I know "too, that in a question involving so many interests, the same "thing will, to different individuals, appear in different points of "view: hence arises a diversity of opinion. That has been the "case in almost every thing that ever was argued, and must be "so in every thing that is contested; but after all, it is clear "that the parliament was in a situation, that the people of "Ireland was in a situation to judge of this measure: it was

66

[ocr errors]

not because the measure was not vigorously opposed; the "friends of the measure have had to stand against the threats of popular violence, against the enemies of the government under

[ocr errors]

"the lead of Protestants, against the violent and inflamed spirit "and fierce attack of the Irish Catholics, and against the aggre"gate of all evils, the spirit of all mischief, the implacable op"position and determined hostility of furious jacobinism; they "had to meet the inflamed passions of disappointed ambition, "which under the name and pretext of superior patriotism, un"der colour of jealousy for others freedom, under affected ten"derness for landed interest, affected care for commercial wel"fare, would reduce the state to ruin, because they were not its "rulers. Notwithstanding all this opposition, the parties engag "ed in it have not been able to prove any thing, but that their "own fury was ungovernable, their predictions chimerical, and "their hopes delusive. The friends of the measure have had to "stand against the principles which fomented and unhappily in"flamed the late Irish rebellion; they had to contend against "the active but mischievous efforts of the friends and champions "of jacobinism, to whom it was enough to make them hate the "Union, that it had a tendency to preserve order, because any thing like order was an extinction of their hopes. We have <6 seen, that the wisdom of parliament and the good sense of the "people of Ireland have prevailed over this mighty host of foes; "we have seen the friends who supported, and the enemies who "opposed this great national object; and are enabled, by all that "has happened, to judge pretty accurately of the sentiments of "both, with their tendency or effect on the fate of the British "empire. It is under that confidence that I do what I am now "doing, and will continue to do whatever may depend on me, to "submit to the committee all necessary measures to carry this "great and important work to its full, and, I trust, speedy accom"plishment."

[ocr errors]

Mr. Grey was not disposed to analyse the articles, as he had insuperable objections to the principle of the measure, to the time in which it was brought forward, and to the means used for its accomplishment. The assent of the people was requisite to give it full sanction and complete effect. It was said, that the public voice was in its favour, after a fair appeal to the unbiassed sense of the nation. Nineteen counties were said to have signified a wish for its adoption; and he believed that addresses had really been presented from that number of shires; but by whom they were signed he did not exactly know, though it had been understood they were procured at meetings not regularlyconvened, and promoted by the personal exertions of a governor, who to the powerful influence of the crown added the terrors of martial law. To speak of the uncontrolled opinion of the community, in such a case, reminded him of the duke of Buckingham's account to Richard III. of the manner, in which the citizens of London had agreed

« AnteriorContinua »