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to his claim of the crown.* Against the Union the petitions were very numerous; and they were more honourably voted, and more respectable from the signatures, than the ministerial addresses. They were the produce of twenty-seven counties; and the chief towns of the kingdom had furnished many of the number. From a comparison of these with the addresses, and an unprejudiced observation of the state of affairs in Ireland, it might be fairly concluded, that the greater part of the nation approved the scheme. The parliamentary majority, of which the courtiers boasted, would not have been obtained, if placemen had been debarted from voting, and if all undue influence, abuse of authority, and the supply of forced vacancies in the House of Commons with dependent voters, had been avoided.t

Mr. Grey spoke very largely as to the Union with Scotland. The opposition of the Scots, perhaps, equalled in violence that of the Irish; and this seemed to be the only point of resemblance. There was no physical impediment to the northern Union. The two countries were so situated as to require only one executive administration; and a complete identification was also practicable in financial arrangements. But such an identity of regulation

Some followers of mine own

At lowest end o' the hall hurl'd up their caps,

And some ten voices cried, God save king Richard.

And thus I took the 'vantage of those few

Thanks, gentle citizens and friends, quoth I;

This general applause and cheerful shout,

Argues your wisdom and your love to Richard.

† Mr. Grey here said, he did not mean to speak disrespectfully of the Irish parliament. But the facts were notorious. 11 Parl. Reg. p. 282. "There are "300 members in all, and 120 of these strenuously opposed the measure, "among whom were two thirds of the county members, the representatives of "the city of Dublin, and of almost all the towns which it is proposed shall send "members to the imperial parliament. 162 voted in favour of the Union; of "those 116 were placemen, some of them were English generals on the staff, "without one foot of ground in Ireland, and completely dependent upon go"vernment. Is there any ground then to presume, that even the parliament "of Ireland thinks as the right honourable gentleman supposes; or that, act"ing only from a regard to the good of their country, the members would not "have reprobated the measure as strongly and unanimously as the rest of the "people? But this is not all! let us reflect upon the arts which have been "used since the last session of the Irish parliament to pack a majority in the "House of Commons. All holding offices under government, even the most " intimate friends of the minister, who had uniformly supported his adminis"tration till the present occasion, if they hesitated to vote as directed, were "dismissed from office, and stripped of their employments. Even this step was "found ineffectual, and other arts were had recourse to, which, I cannot name " in this place, all will easily conjecture. A bill for preserving the purity of "parliament was likewise abused, and no less than sixty-three seats were va"cated by their holders having received nominal offices. I will not press this "subject farther upon the attention of the committee. I defy any man to lay "his hand upon his heart and say, that he believes the parliament of Ireland was sincerely in favour of the measure."

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could not take place between Ireland and Great Britain. There must still be a separate government and a distinct treasury; and there could be no security for the forbearance of oppression with regard to Ireland, as she would be at the mercy of Britain, whose attention to her own interest might sometimes prompt her to make an ill use of her power.

The parliaments of Scotland and England were at open variance. The former prohibited the importation of English commodities, and enacted, that the crown should not descend to the same person, who should occupy the English throne, unless various demands should be granted. The latter ordained, that the Scots should be treated as aliens, and that all trade with them should be suspended. Preparations were even made for hostility; but the English ministry, unwilling to proceed to sanguinary extremities, proposed to the Scots al. incorporative Union. The means used to promote the acceptance of this offer were not strict ly justifiable; but acquiescence was at length obtained. It excited the indignation of every honest man to observe, that under very different circumstances more unjustifiable arts had been used to accomplish this measure altogether unnecessary. Had Ireland checked or prohibited British trade, or had she refused to adopt the same rules of regal succession? On the contrary, did there not exist between the countries an amity, which nothing but the folly of ministers could diminish or derange, an affection, which nothing but their violence could destroy.

It was affirmed, that the Union had been productive of extraordinary benefit to Scotland; but it was reasonable to suppose, that North Britain would have made equal progress in prosperity without the aid of an incorporation with England and Wales. The Union was so far from promoting its improvement in point of trade and industry, that the linen manufacture declined after that event. Indeed, little advance was made before the rebellion of the year 1745. The abolition of the heritable jurisdictions was the first measure, that gave a strong impulse to the spirit of manufacturing exertion and commercial enterprise in Scotland. From that time the prosperity of the country had increased, but not in so great a degree, as that of Ireland during the same period.

That the Union soon became popular among the Scots, had been asserted in a former debate. The alleged instance was drawn from the year 1715, when the pretender found it expedient to suppress that part of his manifesto in which he had promised to re-establish the Scotish parliament. This was affirmed on the authority of a manuscript left by sir John Clerk; but it ought to be considered, that it was unsupported by other testimony, and that sir John was connected by marriage with the duke of Queens

bury, the chief of the Scotish Unionists: it was therefore no more surprising, that such a man should represent the measure as popular, than that lord Castlereagh or some of his friends and relatives should speak of the new project of Union as being supported by the general voice of Ireland.

That the Union was not popular in Scotland, appeared from a series of the most indisputable facts, as well as the most unquestionable documents. In the year 1713, a motion was made by the earl of Findlater to dissolve the Union, and that motion was supported by the Whig party, by lord Sunderland and several others, who had been commissioners in adjusting the transaction. Upon that occasion there was an equality of votes, there being fifty-four on each side; and it was decided in favour of an Union, only by a majority of four upon the proxies. There were several proofs extant from letters written by friends to the measure, and decided foes to jacobitism, that the Union was very unpopular in Scotland. In 1715, when the earl of Mar took the field in the cause of the house of Stuart, he announced the design to restore the old constitution of Scotland, and a declaration was a few days after issued by a number of the principal persons on the same side, in which the Union was particularly reprobated as a grievance. Thus it was clear, that the friends of the Pretender considered Union unpopular, and thought that it would be favourable to their cause to encourage the hope of its repeal. The Pretender himself, on his landing, issued a proclamation in the same spirit to conciliate the support of the people, who viewed the Union as the extinction of their national independence, and the introduction of a foreign yoke.

From the whole history of these periods, it was evident that the effect of the Union had been unfavourable to the repose and tranquillity of the state. It was an additional subject of discontent to a people already labouring under many disadvantages of internal government and regulation, and till the real cause of the' evil was removed, till the grievances were remedied, no progress was made towards establishment of tranquillity, and to the advancement of commerce and manufactures.

A wise and conciliatory system, he said, would tend more effectually to allay the distractions of the country, and dissipate the dangers, with which it was threatened from foreign or domestic enemies, than any attempt to incorporate its legislature with that of Great Britain. The Catholics, of whose pretensions so much had been said, might in his opinion be relieved from all remaining disabilities by a separate parliament, without the risque of the prevalence of their party.

If this projected Union should succeed, it would place at the disposal of the crown a number of abject instruments that might

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be employed against the privileges of their fellow-subjects. "I "rejoice," said the late earl of Chatham," that the Americans "have resisted; for three millions' of slaves in America would "have been fit tools to overthrow the liberties of Britain." For the same reason he rejoiced, that the Irish had shewn a firm determination to preserve their constitutional rights and liberties; and he trusted, that ministers would not be able by undue means to triumph over their spirited opposition. He then moved an address to his majesty, praying him to direct his ministers to suspend all proceedings on the Union, till the sentiments of the people of Ireland respecting that measure should have been ascertained.

Mr. Johnstone in a maiden speech spoke strongly for an Union. Mr. Nicholl, though not accustomed to give his support to the statesman, who had planned the Union, spoke warmly in its favour. Sir Gregory Page Turner and major general Loftus* were also advocates for the measure. Dr. Lawrence opposed it as unjust and impolitic under the existing circumstances of Ireland; and Mr. Sheridan, on the supposition of a strong dissent of the Hibernian nation, deprecated the prosecution of a measure, which, if it should be carried into effect by corruption or violence, would become the fatal source of discontent and rebellion. That the Union had the general approbation and independent assent of the Irish nation, a number of addresses and declarations were mentioned as a proof; but where were these addresses? The addresses against it were easy to be found. Twenty-seven of the counties had openly declared against it; and with these would have united Antrim and Sligo, if martial law had not been proclaimed, and prevented the intended meetings. If the measure were thus to be carried, he had no hesitation in saying, that it would be an act of tyranny and oppression, and must become the fatal source of new dicontents and future rebellions; and the only standard round which the pride, the passions, and the prejudices of Irishmen would rally, would be that, which would lead them to the recovery of a constitution that would have been thus foully and oppressively wrested from them. No attempt had been made to deny the notorious fact, that sixty-five seats had been vacated to make places for men, whose obsequiousness would not permit them to oppose the measure; and it was equally notorious, that no art or influence which the policy of corruption and intimida

*This gentleman corrected what Mr. Grey had said relative to the introduction of military British officers into the Irish parliament: he instanced general Craddock and some others, who came into the Irish parliament upon independent grounds. Mr. Grey thanked him for the correction, and said he had chiefly in his eve general Lake, whom from a variety of circumstances, he thought little entitled to sit as an Irish legislator.

tion could put in play had been left untried, to gain over partizans to the Union. In this assertion every gentleman must acquiesce, who could consult his heart and his honour, and for a proof of it he would refer them to what had befallen sir John Parnell; his fate was no unimpressive warning to those, who might be tempted to follow his example. Thus was intimidation holden out every where, without room any where for the expression of a free will and unbiassed judgment. Martial law, spies, informers, &c. &c. were on all sides marshalled against the opposers of the Union; and it was only to be wondered how any set of men, under such a system of terror, could have dared so boldly and manfully to express their abhorrence of it.

Mr. Dundas would not admit that the Irish in general dissented from the scheme; but Mr. Tierney was convinced of their repugnance. Lord Carysfort affirmed, that the Unionists in the Irish parliament had a much greater extent of property than their adversaries, in the lords ten to one, and that the judging portion of the people approved the project. Mr. Pitt, however, indignantly scouted the idea of appealing to a community so influenced by factious leaders; he was satisfied with the constitutional assent of parliament.

Mr. Grey's motion having been supported only by 30, and negatived by 236, the three first articles were voted. On the succeeding day, the examination of the three next articles being postponed, the seventh was brought forward. Dr. Lawrence offered some ineffectual opposition. When the other articles, particularly those concerning the peerage and popular representation, were submitted to the committees in both houses, some warm debates arose upon them, but they comprised nothing new or peculiarly relevant to Ireland. The majorities upon each division were uniformly in the same proportion.

Lord Hawkesbury made a very able speech upon the general nature of our popular representation in parliament.

Lord Grenville, on the 28th of April, when the house was in a committee upon the fourth article, drew their attention to three points of difference, which would be found between the Irish and Scotish peers. The former, when chosen, would hold their seats till death, except the spiritual peers, who, if they should be deputed for life, would be too long absent from their sees. This permanence of the elected noblemen seemed better calculated than a temporary delegation to guard against the effects of undue influence and control. The second point was the eligibility of the peers of Ireland to a seat among the commons of the empire. A considerable number of those peers had so little property or influence in that country, as to have scarcely any chance of being deputed to a representation of the peerage; and the election of

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