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policy, in order to enforce a uniformity in public worship and discipline: but there were other instances of persecution, derived from no origin but the bigotry of theologians; a malady which seems almost incurable. Though the protestant divines had ventured to renounce opinions deemed certain during many ages, they regarded, in their turn, the new system as so certain that they would suffer no contradiction with regard to it; and they were ready to burn in the same flames, from which they themselves had so narrowly escaped, every one that had the assurance to differ from them. A commission by act of council was granted to the primate and some others, to examine and search after all anabaptists, heretics, or contemners of the book of common prayer.59 The commissioners were enjoined to reclaim them if possible; to impose penance on them; and to give them absolution: or, if these criminals were obstinate, to excommunicate and imprison them, and to deliver them over to the secular arm: and in the execution of this charge, they were not bound to observe the ordinary methods of trial; the forms of law were dispensed with; and if any statutes happened to interfere with the powers in the commission, they were over-ruled and abrogated by the council. Some tradesmen in London were brought before these commissioners, and were accused of maintaining, among other opinions, that a man regenerate could not sin, and that, though the outward man might offend, the inward was incapable of all guilt. They were prevailed on to abjure, and were dismissed. But there was a woman accused of heretical pravity, called Joan Bocher, or Joan of Kent, who was so pertinacious, that the commissioners could make no impression upon her. Her doctrine was, "That Christ was not truly incarnate of the Virgin, whose flesh, being the outward man, was sinfully begotten, and born in sin; and consequently, he could take none of it: but the Word, by the consent of the inward man of the Virgin, was made flesh." 60 This opinion, it would seem, is not orthodox; and there was a necessity for delivering the woman to the flames for maintaining it. But the young king,

though in such tender years, had more sense than all his counsellors and preceptors; and he long refused to sign the warrant for her execution. Cranmer was employed to persuade him to compliance; and he said that there was a great difference between errors in other points of divinity and those which were in direct contradiction to the Apostles' creed: these latter were impieties against God, which the prince, being God's deputy, ought to repress; in like manner, as inferior magistrates were bound to punish offences against the king's person. Edward, overcome by importunity, at last submitted, though with tears in his eyes; and he told Cranmer, that if any wrong were done, the guilt should lie entirely on his head. The primate, after making a new effort to reclaim the woman from her errors, and finding her obstinate against all his arguments, at last committed her to the flames. Some time after, a Dutchman, called Van Paris, accused of the heresy which has received the name of Arianism, was condemned to the same punishment. He suffered with so much satisfaction that he hugged and caressed the faggots that were consuming him; a species of frenzy, of which there is more than one instance among the martyrs of that age.61

These rigorous methods of proceeding soon brought the whole nation to a conformity, seeming or real, with the new doctrine and the new liturgy. The lady Mary alone continued to adhere to the mass, and refused to admit the established modes of worship. When pressed and menaced on this head, she applied to the emperor; who using his interest with sir Philip Hobby, the English ambassador, proeured her a temporary connivance from the council.62

NOTES.

1 Strype's Memor. vol. ii. p. 457.

2 Burnet, vol. ii. p. 5.

3 Heylin, Hist. Ref. Edw. VI.
4 Collier, vol. ii. p. 218. Burnet,
vol. ii. p. 6. Strype's Mem.
Cranmer, p. 141.

5 Strype's Mem. of Cranm. p. 141.
6 Fuller, Heylin, and Rymer.
7 Stowe's Annals, p. 594.

8 Hollingshed, p. 979.

9 Burnet, vol. ii. Records, No 6.

10 Goodwin's Annals. Heylin. 11 Fox, vol. ii. p. 712.

of

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vol. ii.

14 Mem. Cranm. p. 146, 147, &c. 15 Burnet, vol. ii. p. 28.

16 Collier, vol. ii. p. 228. ex MS. Col. C. C. Cantab. Bibliotheca Britannica, Article Gardiner.

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22 Spotswood. Buchanan.

25 Haywood. Patten.
26 Hollingshed, p. 985.

27 Patten. Hollingshed, p. 986.
28 Hollingshed, p. 992.

29 Rymer, vol. xv. p. 164.

30 1 Edw. VI. cap. 12.

31 1 Edw. VI. cap. 12.
32 1 Edw. VI. cap. 2.
33 Heylin, p. 48.

34 Antiq. Britan. p. 339.

35 Burnet, vol. ii. p. 59. Collier, vol. ii. p. 241. Heylin, p. 55.

36 Burnet, vol. ii.

37 Burnet, vol. ii. p. 60. Collier, vol. ii. p. 241. Heylin, p. 55.

38 Burnet, vol. ii.

39 Fuller. Heylin. Burnet.

40 Beagué, Hist. of the Campagnes 1548
and 1549, p. 6.
41 Hollingshed, p. 993.

42 Heylin, p. 46. Patten.

43 Burnet, vol. ii. p. 83. Buchanan, lib. xv. Keith, p. 55. Thuanus, lib. v. cap. 15.

44 Thuanus, lib. v. cap. 15.

Spots- 45 Stowe, p. 595. Hollingshed, p. 994. 46 Hayward, p. 291.

47 Hayward, p. 301. Heylin, p. 72.
Camden. Thuanus, lib. vi. cap. 5.
Haynes, p. 69.

48 Haynes, p. 82. 90.
49 Haynes, p. 75.

50 Haynes, p. 95, 96. 102. 108.
51 Haynes, p. 105, 106.

23 The famous Scotch reformer, John Knox, calls James Melvil, p. 65. a man most gentle and most modest. It is very horrid, but at the same time somewhat amusing, to consider the joy and alacrity and pleasure, which that historian discovers in his 52 Burnet, vol. ii. coll. 31. 2 & 3 narrative of this assassination: and Edw. VI. cap. 18. it is remarkable, that in the first edition of his work, these words were printed on the margin of the page, The godly Fact and Works of James Melvil. But the following editors retrenched them. Knox himself had no hand in the murder of Beaton; but he afterwards joined the assassins, and assisted them in holding 60 Burnet, vol. i. coll. 35. Strype's out the castle. See Keith's Hist. of the Ref. of Scotland, p. 43. 24 Sir John Haywood in Kennet, p. 279. Heylin, p. 42.

53 2 & 3 Edw. VI. cap. 18.
54 Burnet, vol. ii. p. 99.
55 2 & 3 Edw. VI. cap. 1.
56 2 & 3 Edw. VI. cap. 21.
57 2 & 3 Edw. VI. cap. 19.
58 Burnet, vol. ii. p. 104.
59 Burnet, vol. ii. p. 3. Rymer, tom. xv
p. 181.

Mem. Cranm. p. 181.

61 Burnet, vol. ii. p. 112. Strype's Mem. Cranm. p. 181.

62 Heylen, p. 102.

CHAPTER XXXV.

Discontents of the People....Insurrections.... Conduct of the War with Scotland ....with France....Factions in the Council....Conspiracy against Somerset ....Somerset resigns the Protectorship.... A Parliament.... Peace with France and Scotland.... Boulogne surrendered.... Persecution of Gardiner.... Warwic created Duke of Northumberland.... His Ambition....Trial of Somerset ....His Execution....A Parliament....A new Parliament....Succession changed.... The King's Sickness and Death.

T

DISCONTENTS OF THE PEOPLE.

HERE is no abuse so great in civil society, as not to be attended with a variety of beneficial consequences; and in the beginnings of reformation, the loss of these advantages is always felt very sensibly, while the benefit resulting from the change is the slow effect of time, and is seldom perceived by the bulk of a nation. Scarce any institution can be imagined less favourable in the main to the interests of mankind than that of monks and friars; yet was it followed by many good effects, which having ceased by the suppression of monasteries, were much regretted by the people of England. The monks always re ́siding in their convents in the centre of their estates, spent their money in the provinces, and among their tenants, afforded a ready market for commodities, and were a sure resource to the poor and indigent; and though their hospitality and charity gave but too much encouragement to idleness, and prevented the increase of public riches, yet did it provide to many a relief from the extreme pressures of want and necessity. It is also observable, that as the friars were limited by the rules of their institution to a certain mode of living, they had not equal motives for extortion with other men; and they were acknowledged to have been in England, as they still are in Roman-catholic countries, the best and most indulgent landlords. The abbots and priors were permitted to give leases at an under-value, and to receive in return a large

present from the tenant; in the same manner as is still practised by the bishops and colleges. But when the abbey-lands were distributed among the principal nobility and courtiers, they fell under a different management: the rents of farms were raised, while the tenants found not the same facility in disposing of the produce; the money was often spent in the capital; and the farmers, living at a distance, were exposed to oppression from their new masters, or to the still greater rapacity of the stewards.

These grievances of the common people were at that time heightened by other causes. The arts of manufacture were much more advanced in other European countries than in England; and even in England these arts had made greater progress than the knowledge of agriculture; a profession which of all mechanical employments requires the most reflection and experience. A great demand arose for wool both abroad and at home. pasturage was found more profitable than unskilful tillage. Whole estates were laid waste by inclosures: the tenants, regarded as a useless burden, were expelled their habi tations: even the cottagers, deprived of the commons on which they formerly fed their cattle, were reduced to misery and a decay of people, as well as a diminution of the former plenty, was remarked in the kingdom.' This grievance was now of an old date; and sir Thomas More, alluding to it, observes in his Utopia, that a sheep had become in England a more ravenous animal than a lion or wolf, and devoured whole villages, cities, and provinces. The general increase also of gold and silver in Europe, after the discovery of the West-Indies, had a tendency to inflame these complaints. The growing demand in the more commercial countries, had heightened every where the price of commodities, which could easily be transported thither; but in England, the labour of men, who could not so easily change their habitation, still remained nearly at the ancient rates; and the poor complained that they could no longer gain a subsistence by their industry. It was by an addition alone of toil and application they were

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