is here understood as only applying to those States in which the constitution, whether written or unwritten, gives to those who are members of such States, or to some considerable number of them, some share of the sovereign power.

The usual form in which citizenship is acquired is by birth; by being born of citizens. In the old Greek states, and generally in those states of antiquity where citizenship existed, this was the only mode in which as a general rule it could be acquired. A person obtained no rights of citizenship by the mere circumstance of being born in a country or living there. Citizenship could only be conferred by a public act either on an individual or on all the members of other communities. Difference of religion was one of the causes of these communities excluding strangers from their political body. The Roman system was at first a close community, but the practice of admitting aliens (peregrini) to the citizenship was early introduced. They were even admitted by the old burgers (the Patricians) in considerable numbers, but only by a vote of the collective body of Patricians. The admission of aliens to the citizenship, either partial or complete, became a regular part of the Roman polity to which Rome owed the extension of her name, her language, and her power. It is true that the process of admission went on slowly, and for a long time the Romans, unwisely, and with danger to their state, resisted the claims of their Italian allies, or subject people, who demanded the Roman citizenship; but this claim was finally settled in favour of the Italians by the Social or Marsic War (B.C. 90), and by the concessions that followed that war. Sometimes the States of Italy declined admission into the Roman political body; they preferred their own constitution to the rights and duties of Roman citizens.

The Roman system did not allow a man to claim the citizenship by birth, unless he was born of such a marriage as the state recognised to be a legal marriage. If a Roman married a woman who belonged to a people with whom the Roman state recognised no interinarriage (connubium), the child was not a Roman

citizen; for he was not the child of his father, and it was only as the child of a Roman father that he could claim Roman citizenship.

The English law gives the citizenship to all persons who are born anywhere of a British citizen or of one whose father or father's father was a citizen of Great Britain. The English law also gives the citizenship to every person born in the British dominions; which rule originated in the king claiming such persons as his subjects who were born within his dominions. [ALLEGIANCE.] In the earliest periods of English history, those were properly called subjects who may now properly be designated citizens; though citizenship in England must be divided into two kinds, as it was in Rome. Some native citizens do not enjoy the suffrage, nor are they eligible to certain offices, such for instance as a membership of the House of Commons. But these are not permanent and personal disabilities: they are temporary incapacities arising from not having a certain amount of property, and therefore the complete citizenship may be acquired by every man who can acquire the requisite property qualification. It follows from what has been said that those who happen to be under this disability are not full citizens, but have a capacity to become such. Those who have not the suffrage are in the situation of subjects to that sovereign body, of which those who possess the suffrage form a part. The terms on which foreigners are admitted to the citizenship are different in different countries. A recent act of parliament (7 & 8 Vict. c. 76) has rendered the acquisition of partial citizenship in England much easier and less expensive than it was under the former process of a special act of parliament. [NATURALIZATION.]

The United States of North America have had various rules as to the admission of aliens to citizenship; but at present they require a period of five years' residence as a preliminary to obtaining the citizenship. [ALIEN.] Some persons in that country would extend the period of probation to twenty-one years. This

nowever would be a very impolitic measure, for if foreigners will throng to a country such as the United States, with the view of settling there, the best thing is to make them citizens as soon as they wish to become such; and there would be manifest danger to the United States if the large number of foreigners who settle there should be considered as aliens for a period which would extend to the whole term of the natural life of many of the new settlers. Indeed there seems to be no objection to giving to aliens in republican governments, as soon as they choose to ask for them, all the rights and consequent duties of citizens, if they are ever to have them. It may be prudent to exclude aliens by birth from some of the high offices in a state, which is done in England and in the United States of North America. [ALIEN.]

In ancient Rome, aliens were not always admitted to the full rights of Roman citizens; and indeed in the early history of the state, even the Plebeians formed an order who were without many of the privileges which the Patricians enjoyed. A person might receive the Roman citizenship so far as to enjoy every advantage except a vote at the public elections and access to the honours of the state. This however was not citizenship as understood by Aristotle, nor is it citizenship as understood by the free states of modern times. The acquisition of complete citizenship implies the acquisition of a share of the sovereign power: the acquisition of all the rights of a citizen, except the suffrage and access to the honours of the state, is a limited citizenship; and it is no more than may be acquired in those states where there is no representative body, and in which a man by such acquisition gets not citizenship, but the state gets a subject.

The great facilities for a man changing his residence which now exist, and the increased motives to such change in a desire to better his condition by permanently settling in another country, lead to emigration from one country to another, and more particularly from Europe to America. The advantage which any country receives from the emigration of those who possess capital or peculiar arts

is so great, that, under the present circum stances of the world, it is not easy to discover any good reason for Republican governments refusing to give the citizenship to any person who comes to another country with the view of settling there. A difficulty will arise in case of war, when a man owes a divided allegiance. for it is a principle of English law that a man cannot divest himself of his allegiance to the king of England; and probably an American arizen cannot divest himself of his allegiance to the United States. [ALIEN.] And yet the two countries which maintain this legal principle, allow the citizens of any other country to become citizens of their several communities. The Roman principle under the Republic was, that as soon as a Roman was admitted a citizen o another State, he ceased to be a Roman citizen, because a man could not belong to two States at once; wherein we have one among many examples of the precision of Roman political principles. The same principle must certainly be adopted some

time into the international law of modern States.

The nations Europe and the States of the two Americas have all a common religion, which however contains a great number of sects. A person of any religion in the United States of North America may become a citizen, and his opinions are no obstacle to his enjoying any of the honours of the country. But this is not so in England. No man for instance, though an English citizen, can be a member of the House of Commons unless he is, or is willing to profess that he is, a Christian.

CITY (in French Cité, ultimately from the Latin Civitas). Certain large and ancient towns both in England and in other countries are called cities, and they are supposed to rank before other towns. On what the distinction is founded is not well ascertained. The word seems to be one of common use, or at most to be used in the letters and charters of kings as a complimentary or honorary name, rather than as betokening the possession of any social privileges which may not and in fact do not belong to other ancient and incorpo

rated places which are still known only | by the name of towns or boroughs. Richelet (Dictionnaire) says that the French word cite is only used in general when we speak of places where there are two towns, an old town and another which has been built since; and he adds that "la cité de Paris" means old Paris.

Sir William Blackstone, following Coke (1 Inst. 109 b), says, "A city is a town incorporated, which is or hath been the see of a bishop." (Comm. Introd., sec. iv.) But Westminster is a city, though it is not incorporated. Thetford is a town, though incorporated, and once the seat of a bishop. Whether Westminster owes its designation to the circumstance that it had a bishop for a few years of the reign of Henry VIII., and in the reign of Edward VI., may be doubted. But there are, besides Thetford, many places which were once the seats of bishops, as Sherburn, and Dorchester in Oxfordshire, which are never called cities. On the whole, we can rather say that certain of our ancient towns are called cities, and their inhabitants citizens, than show why this distinction prevails and what are the criteria by which they are distinguished from other towns. These ancient towns are those in which the cathedral of a bishop is found; to which are to be added Bath and Coventry, which, respectively with Wells and Lichfield, occur in the designation of the bishop in whose diocese they are situated; and Westminster, which in this respect stands alone.

In the United States of North America the name City is usually given to large towns, as New York, Philadelphia, and

others.

CIVIL LAW. [ROMAN LAW.]

CIVIL LIST. The expenses of the English government, including military expenses, were formerly comprehended in one general list, and defrayed out of what was called the royal revenue. For a considerable period after the Conquest this revenue, derived from the rents of the crown lands, and from other sources, was at the command and under the uncontrolled management of the crown through the exercise of the prerogative. Even when at a later period the greater portion of the expenses of the government

came to be granted by parliament in the form of supplies, the entire expenditure was still left with the crown, and the supplies were either voted for no specific purpose, or when they were voted for a special purpose, parliament had no control over their application.

This state of things continued to the Restoration in 1660. A distinction was then made between the military expenses of the government, or those occasioned by war, which were considered of the nature of extraordinary expenses, and those incurred in the maintenance of the ordinary establishments of the country. The revenues appropriated to the latter were called the hereditary or civil-list revenues, and were provided for partly from the crown lands that remained unalienated, and partly from certain taxes imposed by parliament expressly for that purpose during the life of the reigning king. In the reign of King William III. the sum applicable to the civil list, on an average of years, amounted to the annual sum of about 680,000l. This sum was applied in defraying the expenses of the royal household and of the privy purse, the maintenance and repairs of the royal palaces, the salaries of the lord chancellor, the judges, the great officers of state, and the ambassadors at foreign courts; and out of it were also paid the incomes of the members of the royal family, the secret service money, pensions, and a long list of other claims. The interest of the national debt, however, was never defrayed from the sum allotted for the civil list.

In the reign of Queen Anne the civil list remained of nearly the same amount as in the reign of King William. The principal taxes appropriated to it were an excise of 2s. 6d. per barrel on beer, which produced about 286,000l. per annum, a tonnage and poundage duty, which produced about 257,000l., and the profits of the post-office, from which about 100,000. was derived.

At the commencement of the reign of George I., 700,000l. a year was voted by parliament for the civil list, and certain taxes, as usual, were appropriated to that branch of the public expenditure.

that the civil-list charges should be confined to expenses proper for the maintenance of their Majesties' household, and the sum of 510,000l. was granted to his Majesty by the above act under the following classes-1. For their Majesties' privy purse, 110,000l. 2. Salaries of his Majesty's household, 130,300l. 3. Expenses of his Majesty's household, 171,500. 4. Special and secret service, 23,2001. 5. Pensions, 75,000l. A separate civil list for Ireland was discontinued; and the Scotch hereditary revenues, as well as the droits of admiralty, and the 43 per cent. duties, were to be paid into the Exchequer for the use of the public.

Speaking of the civil list as settled by 1 Will. IV. c. 25, and comparing it with the civil list of King Geo. IV., Lord Congleton remarked (Financial Reform,' p. 205) "that there was no real reduction in that arrangement, for whatever appears to be a reduction, has been produced by a transfer of charge from one head to another of the old civil list. The chief difference in this arrangement from the former consists in the transfer of about 460,000l. a year from the civil list to the consolidated fund, and in providing for the gradual reduction of the pensions to 75,000l. a year."

William IV. retained the revenues of the duchies of Lancaster and Cornwall, which are considered to be the hereditary revenues, not of the crown, but of the duchies of Lancaster and of Cornwall.

The duchy of Lancaster is permanently annexed to the crown, and the duchy of Cornwall belongs to the crown when there is no Prince of Wales. No account of the amount of these revenues had ever been laid before parliament until very recently. In his speech on Economical Reform in 1780, Mr. Burke said, "Every one of those principalities has the appearance of a kingdom, for the jurisdiction over a few private estates; and the formality and charge of the Exchequer of Great Britain, for collecting the rents of a country squire. Cornwall is the best of them; but when you compare the charge with the receipt, you will find that it furnishes no exception to the general rule. The duchy and county palatine of Lancaster do not yield, as I have reason to believe,

on an average of twenty years, 4000l. a year clear to the crown. As to Waler and the county palatine of Chester, i have my doubts whether their productive exchequer yields any returns at all."*

The Civil List of Queen Victoria was settled by 1 Vict. c. 2. This act contains a very important and salutary provision, which will shortly be noticed, respecting pensions. The preamble of the act states that her majesty had placed unreservedly at the disposal of the commons in parliament those hereditary revenues which were transferred to the public by her immediate predecessors, and that her majesty felt confident that her faithful commons would gladly make adequate provision for the support of the honour and dignity of the crown. It is then enacted, that the hereditary revenue shall be carried to the Consolidated Fund during the life of her majesty, but that after her demise it shall be payable to her successors. The latter part of the enactment is a mere form. By § 3 the clear yearly sum of 385,000l. is to be paid out of the Consolidated Fund for the support of her majesty's household and of the honour and dignity of the crown, to be applied according to a schedule as under:2. Salaries of her Majesty's 1. For her Majesty's privy purse £60,000 household and retired allowances

131,260

172,500

13,200

8,040 £385,000

The restriction to which allusion has been made relates to class 5 in the schedule.

*The gross revenues of the duchy of Cornwall in 1843 amounted to 40,100%. The two largest items were, rents and arrears 14,0697; compensation in lieu of the tin coinage duties 15,7417. The sum required to defray salaries, allowances, and annuities was 8-251., the payments made to the use of the Prince of Wales, and which in the previous reign were enjoyed by the king, were 18,579., aud a sum of 2000l. was expended in purchasing the surrender of beneficial leases. The sum set down as balances and arrears was 84861. The gross