honourable, he should hold it incumbent upon him to declare that they were so, without at all considering whom it might affect.

Mr. Pitt said, that as to any apprehensions of dishonourable concessions having been made, there were no concessions of any sort made on the part of that Person, who was the highest and most distinguished alluded to on the present occasion; the conduct which that Person had pursued, was uniform and consistent throughout, and he had not, in any one instance, departed from those principles which had all along influenced him.

Mr. Fox observed, that he had said nothing about terms, and that he thought the mention of any thing like terms highly improper, and as objectionable as the right hon. gentleman could possibly think it himself; but as the right hon. gentleman had thought proper to say, that the conduct of one party had been uniform and consistent, it became his duty to declare, that the conduct of the other party alluded to had been equally uniform, and that the most clear and explicit declaration had been made to explain, that nothing but what was most respectful and most proper had ever been intended. It was, therefore, to be hoped, that both parties, by steadily pursuing their separate and distinct lines of conduct, would meet at last, and when the difference which had prevailed should be found to have arisen merely from a misunderstanding, that a complete reconciliation would take place.

Mr. Sheridan said, that he did not dissent from the right hon. gentleman's wish, that the conversation should not be prolonged. He did not, however, conceive that the necessity for abridging it, could arise from any apprehension that it could terminate in altercation, or difference of opinion. He could not but believe, that upon that day there existed but one feeling, and one sentiment in the House, that of a heartfelt satisfaction at the auspicious conclusion to which the business was understood to be brought. He would not enter into the distinctions which the right hon. gentleman had attempted to make. If it was meant to be insinuated that the merit of this presumed reconciliation belonged exclusively to his Majesty's ministers, be it so. The gentlemen who were supposed to be admitted to the honour of his Royal Highness's confidence, would convince them of their sincere anxiety that that end should be obtained,

| by waving every claim to credit with regard to the means. In truth, the measures which had been adopted, were the result of his Royal Highness's own judg ment, which none but those who did not know him, could consider as needing the aid of any other person's council whatever. Mr. Sheridan wished it, however, to be understood, that though his Royal Highness felt the most perfect satisfaction at the prospect before him, in which he was convinced that the idea of relief from pecuniary embarrassment, farther than it gratified the just and honourable feelings of his royal mind towards others, had the least share; yet did he also desire it to be distinctly remembered, that no attempt had at any time been made to screen any part of his conduct, actions, or situation, from their view; and that he had even offered to answer himself any question which could be put to him. That no such idea had been pursued, and that no such inquiry had been adopted, was a point which did credit to the decorum, the feelings, and the dignity of Parliament. He concluded with paying a delicate and judicious compliment to the lady to whom it was supposed some late parliamentary allusions had been pointed, affirming, that ignorance and vulgar folly alone could have persevered in attempting to detract from a character, upon which truth could fix no just reproach, and which was in reality entitled to the truest and most general respect.

He said,

State of the Representation of the Commons in Parliament.] May 2. Mr. Alderman Sawbridge rose, to make his motion relative to the state of the Representation of the Commons in Parliament. that if he had the attention of no other part of the House, he hoped he should have that of the right hon. gentleman at the head of his Majesty's Exchequer. Two opinions prevailed relative to the state of parliamentary representation; one, that it was unequal, and called for reformation and amendment; the other, that it was sufficiently complete as it was. Those who were of the former opinion would, he presumed, vote with him, and those who held the latter, would of course oppose him. He concluded with moving, "That a committee be appointed to inquire into the present state of the Representation of the Commons of Great Britain in Parlia ment."

The question being put, that the other

orders of the day be read, the House divided: Yeas, 101; Noes, 57.

Debate on the East India Budget.] May 7. The House having resolved itself into a committee to consider of the several revenue accounts from India,

Mr. Dundas rose and observed, that although the business to which he meant to call the attention of the Committee appeared to be of a nature which would take up much of their time, yet he did not apprehend there was a necessity of taking up a large portion of it during the present moment. It was his anxious desire to lay before the Committee an accurate state of the affairs of India as they now were, and he should mention them without any favourable colouring. There was in that state a subject of much consolation, and he hoped to convince the Committee that there existed no reason for despondency, but that the prospect of India affairs was most flattering. By accounts laid before the House, it appeared the debt in India amounted to nine crore of rupees, or 9,000,000l. It was a hard task to make it appear more; but he chose to state it stronger than any other gentleman could do, and at the same time to prove that the resources of the Company were amply sufficient for the discharge of every part of that debt. He then alluded to several observations which had been made on earl Cornwallis's letter, and said he was happy there was an instrument that both parties might argue on, without doubting its authenticity. His lordship had sent home an account of the worst situation of the country; notwithstanding which, he meant to give it in a more unfavourable view, and still maintain his proposition. It had been stated as material for the well-being of the country, that the affairs of India should be public; and he was one who had never disputed that principle. It was a principle which he hoped ever to maintain, not conceiving it proper that a part of the empire should be in the receipt of a revenue of five million, and that assembly not know the disposition thereof, nor that an army of 70,000 or 80,000 men should be in arms, without reasons given to that House why such an establishment was maintained. The extent of patronage, which must necessarily exist, should also be stated to the House. What he meant to bring forward was the disbursement, the revenue, and the establishment. The full amount of the debt,

by earl Cornwallis's letter, was about seven million; but he would state it, by bringing it down to May 1, 1787, to be upwards of nine million. By lord Cornwallis's letter, it appeared that his lordship, after stating the disbursements and receipts of the year, intended to pay off one crore by May 1787, which would take off one million. Mr. Dundas then made several observations on the quick stock of the Company, which he said would discharge two millions more; but, notwithstanding those reductions, he would take the debt at nine million.

He then proceeded into a detail of the revenues, and took the years 1781-2, 1782-3, 1783-4, and 1784-5, to form his' average of calculation. He stated the revenues and expenditure of Bengal, Bombay, and Madras, and remarked, that in 1786-7 a clear surplus of revenue existed, to the amount of 180 lacks. The reduc tion which was to take place in both civil and military expenditure would greatly increase the surplus; and, if such was added to the 180 lacks, he should have no doubt, if it fell to his lot next year again to state to the House the affairs of India, that instead of saying a surplus of 180 lacks existed, that in Bengal alone, after paying every charge, there would be a surplus of two millions. Earl Cornwallis observed, that it would be necessary to send 40 lacks to Bombay and 40 to Madras; but it must be remembered those sums went to the discharge of debt. He stated a surplus of eight lacks to be at Madras, which, added to the surplus of 180 lacks at Bengal, would amount to 188 lacks, from which were to be subtracted 30 lacks, as what he thought necessary for the establishment at Madras, and then there would remain a neat surplus of 150 lacks, after all charges were paid. He argued on the propriety of taking the debt from India by investments to England, which he thought the most political mea sure that could be adopted. But, before such a resolution was entered into, it would be necessary to inquire concerning the debt of the India Company in England. He then alluded to the estimate of the Court of Directors, by which it appeared that in 1790 there would be a deficiency of 500,000/. which deficiency, he said, was for an obvious purpose made; but if they had added the sale of annuities, which they were by Parliament empowered to do, and which would have amounted to 800,000l. there would have

not ready to admit that we were most likely to be attacked in that quarter; there was nothing to tempt an enemy to an attack; there was no prospect of success for any power in India: there existed a surplus of two millions for investments, which he should think prudent, if a war commenced, to stop, that the sum might go to the prosecution of the war with the greater vigour. Upon what ground, then, could any power attack our Indian possessions? They would have to engage 70 or 80,000 men, with 2,000,000l. to support the war, and, in case of need, another 2,000,000l. to add to it. The total excess of expence in the last war amounted to no more in one year, upon an average, than two crores three lacks, and there was no reason to expect that any future war could be more expensive; for then we had all India, America, and Europe to fight against, and the surplus of the revenue would be sufficient for any future war. If a war should happen, and there was to be no surplus from India, the China trade would prove sufficient for every investment, to pay a dividend of 8 per cent. to the proprietors of East India stock, and the interest of the whole of the debt. The affairs of the India Company were such as not to cause fears in the minds of the most timorous. If the possessions in India were considered as they ought to be, as the brightest jewel in the British diadem, regulations should be adopted for the good government of the country. The present measure would be a check upon all future governments in that country; and by reports being made every year, that House would know every increase of establishment, and be able immediately to bring such governor to an account for such establishment. The patronage of the East ought to be watched over with a jealous eye; and unless that House so watched it, they would not do justice to their constituents. Mr. Dundas concluded by moving several resolutions, stating the particulars of the finances of the Company. On the question being put on the first resolution, That it appears to the committee that the debt of the Company amounts to nine crores 26 lacks and 40,162 current rupees,"

Mr. Francis, having taken notice of the manner in which Mr. Dundas had deprecated all personal allusion, declared his intention to follow the right hon. gentleman's advice. That day had been promised, he observed, to be a proud day;

but the right hon. gentleman had changed his tone, and, instead of pride and triumph, he had talked of consolation and promise. One of the consolations that he had found in the affairs of the India Company was, that they were nine millions in debt in Bengal, which was stating the Bengal debt much higher than he had ever heard it stated. Another consolation was, that thirty lacks of rupees were to be sent from Bengal to Bombay, though seventeen lacks were all that had been used to be sent there; and the Mahratta war was begun expressly on the plea, that obtaining some territory on the Malabar coast would yield a revenue, and that this would render all farther supply to Bombay from Bengal superfluous. Mr. Francis contended, that there was no surplus of the revenues of Bengal, but on the contrary a considerable excess of expenditure. But if there had been a surplus, to adopt the proposition of taking a million of money out of Bengal annually, would be unwise in the highest degree, considering the very small quantity of actual specie in circulation. Better would it be to seize Bengal and dash it at once into the ocean, than attempt so absurd and preposterous a thing as to take so much specie out of a country so greatly impoverished. The fact was, the revenues had decreased considerably for the last five years. He asked, why the regular accounts for the two last years had not come over, and said, it proved what ill discipline the Board of Control exercised, not to oblige the Company's servants in India to furnish the proper accounts in due time. He contended, that the sum of charges on account of collecting the revenues was not correct, that only 39 lacks were taken into the account instead of 83 lacks. He admitted, that bringing the Bengal debt to England would lighten the hands of the government of Bengal, but denied that the reason for the creditors refusing to subscribe to take the debts through the medium of investments, was owing to the exchange of the rupee being rated so low as at twenty pence each: the fact was, the not having any thing like a security that when the debts were subscribed they would be paid at all in England, was the reason, and not the low exchange of the rupee. Nearly a million was subscribed at 1s. 8d. the rupee; and he was well informed the whole would have been subscribed in like manner, had the creditors received any