fication of the manner proposed to be vious knowledge or consent of Parliament, adopted, or at least an attempt to justify he saw no necessity for the stipulation; it; and an answer was returned to it of a because if ever a necessity should arise similar description, containing arguments for the aid of foreign troops in England or and reasonings calculated to overturn Ireland, and the necessity should be suffithose which were offered in the notifica- ciently urgent to palliate the employment tion. Now, would any gentleman who of foreign troops, and reconcile the people believed that such a notification had abso-to the measure, an adequate number, he lutely been made, and who did not propose to institute any criminal inquiry into the conduct of ministers respecting the late preparations-would any gentleman wish, merely for curiosity, to bring forward an inquiry into the circumstances of a controversy which, though now happily terminated, had been near involving the crowns of France and Great Britain in a war. conceived, might be obtained upon the condition of being treated as British soldiers, without any Treaty having been in existence. With regard to the exception also of the Hessian troops from being liable to be called into service no where but in Great Britain and Ireland, unless in Germany and the Low Countries, he thought it an unfortunate exception; because, under the construction of the Treaty, he conceived that Hessian troops could not be applicable to service in the Debate in the Commons on the Hessian West Indies, or in Gibraltar. If the exSubsidy.] Dec. 5. The House being in ception had been the other way, he should a Committee of Supply, Mr. Pitt moved, have thought it better; because, in all "That 36,095. 15s. be granted to his probability, Hessian troops would never Majesty, for defraying the Charge of be required to serve in Great Britain and Subsidy, which will be due to the Land-Ireland; but might be of use in Gibraltar, grave of Hesse Cassel for the year 1788, pursuant to Treaty." The motion was negatived. Mr. Fox observed, that he had expected that the House would have received some explanation of the nature of the Treaty, by which they were called upon to vote the sum stated in the motion. He had on a preceding occasion, generally adverted to the Treaty that was now the subject of consideration, and had asked, whether it was to be considered as a mere temporary expense, like the rest of the charge of the late armament and preparations, or to be regarded in a more permanent light, as an expense to be continued with a view to the future situation of this country respecting Holland and other continental powers. As there was a great deal of difference in these two views of it, and different considerations would necessarily arise from each, he conceived it highly proper that the House, previous to their voting of the money, should receive some explanation respecting it, in order to know the full extent of their vote. Another matter that appeared to him to call for observation was, that in the Treaty it was stipulated, that if Hessian troops were required to serve in Great Britain and Ireland, they should be put upon the same footing as British national troops. Now, as he did not suppose that it was meant that foreign troops should be brought at any time into this kingdom or Ireland, without the pre in America, and in the West Indies. It was not very likely that a future war would commence in the manner that the late war had done; but it was not impossible, and it was to be remembered, that Hessian troops were then employed at Gibraltar and in America. A great deal depended in forming a judgment of the Treaty under consideration, upon a knowledge of the negociations then pending with other foreign powers. He had, on the first day of the session, observed, that he meant not to press for an improper communication, nor was it his wish, at that moment, although without such a knowledge it was impossible to decide upon the merits of the Treaty in question; but he hoped, that voting for the sum then moved for, would by no means pledge the House, or preclude him or any other gentleman, from examining into, or objecting to, any future measure that might be proposed to Parliament, as a consequence of the Treaty. Mr. Pitt said, that in introducing the motion he had avoided entering into any reasoning on the subject, not only with a view to save the time of the House, but also because he really could not conceive what objections could have been made to the Treaty, or what explanations could have been necessary, until he should have heard them pointed out. With respect to the first point on which the right hon. gentleman had demanded an explanation, he thought he had given every possible information on that head on the first day of the session. It had then been asked, was the Treaty with the Landgrave of Hesse, a Treaty made merely with a view to the then present subsisting exigency, or for a permanent purpose, as a resource in all future cases of necessity? And to this he had answered, that although it certainly was at first entered into merely as part of the preparation that was made for the expected commencement of hostilities, yet it had afterwards been found advisable and necessary, from the new situation in which the recent course of events had put this country with respect to the powers of the Continent, to extend and prolong it; and it was now become a permanent resource for this country in case of any future emergency, as long as the operation of the Treaty should last, which was for four years. As to the apprehension of the right hon. gentleman, that the vote which the Committee was called upon to give might be construed into a recognition of the right of the Crown to introduce foreign troops into the kingdom without the consent of the Parliament, there certainly could not be any ground for such a suggestion; the only question here was, whether it was politic for this country to give the Landgrave of Hesse 36,000l. per annum by way of a retaining fee, as it might be termed, to hold him in our interests, and for an assistance, in cases of need, of 12,000 troops, without any designation made on the part of the House, of the place or manner in which those troops were eventually to be employed. With regard to such measures as his Majesty might find necessary to take in case of a future war within the kingdom, it was impossible at present to argue upon them, but there was no foundation for any apprehension that the House would, by complying with the present motion, give any sanction to the bringing foreign troops into the kingdom in time of peace. As to the latter part of the right hon. gentleman's speech, in which he spoke of the narrow limits to which the benefits of the treaty were confined, by the stipulation against sending the subsidiary troops beyond sea, any objection on that ground must arise out of considerations drawn from the former situation of this country, and not from the present. In the last war, it was true, such were the unfortunate circumstances of Great Britain with respect to the continental powers, that there was no possible use for any troops whatsoever on the continent. We had then no connexion with any power in Europe, and of course could have no occasion for any army to be employed in Europe, except for the purpose of our internal defence; but our situation was now essentially different, as in consequence of our late interference in the concerns of the European powers, and the brilliant success which had resulted from that interference, we had formed a connexion with some of them, which, in case of a war, might afford us an opportunity of employing an armament on the continent with singular advantage, and by using foreign troops in that kind of service, we should be the better enabled to direct our natural force, and particularly that of our marine, to such other objects as might be thought more immediately necessary. It would not, he said, be thought necessary for him to enter into an accurate detail of the state and tendency of the negociations then depending with other powers; but he asked the House, when they compared the splendour and glory of this country in former wars, when she was connected with other European powers, and her humiliation and depres sion in the last, when she was deserted by them all, when they considered the respectable figure we made in the course of the recent event,-whether the contrast which such a review brought to their minds, did not make them anxious to cherish every measure that should tend to revive and cement similar connexions; and was any thing more likely to have that tendency than our having a resource for that supply of a great military force immediately at hand, which, while it answered every necessary purpose of eventual success to our allies, and co-operation with them, was at the same time attended with all the advantages of economy? On the whole, as it was universally admitted that continental connections were beneficial and necessary to this country, as it could not be denied that such connexions might render a military force on the continent in the service of this country indispensable, and as the sum advanced for the purpose was by no means exorbitant, he could not see that any reasonable ground of complaint could be urged against the Treaty. Sir James Johnstone said, that he could not mention without indignation the length of time during which the princes of Hesse had sold the blood of their subjects, and we had been the purchasers. He could not give his consent to the Treaty; and as to foreign troops being introduced into England, Scotland, or Ireland, he saw no necessity for it. With regard to England, we had our militia to defend us from the dread of an invasion; in Scotland, indeed, they had no militia, but they breathed as pure an air as we did in the South, and loved their liberties as well. If, therefore, a foreign foe were to invade Scotland, he had no doubt but they would find there was enough of spirit and love of freedom, in that part of the kingdom, to stimulate the Scotch to protect themselves. In Ireland there were 60,000 volunteers, and surely their courage was too well known to countenance the supposition that we should send 12,000 Hessians to dragoon them. necessary Mr. Burke declared, that although he had remained silent on the first day of the session, he had never given a vote with more heartfelt satisfaction; and he took that opportunity to declare, that he highly approved of the system of measures pursued with respect to Holland, and the renewal of continental connexions. That was the system on which alone this country could expect to stand with safety and with honour. It was during our adherence to that system that Great Britain had been a glorious country, and the object of the admiration of surrounding nations. With regard to the constitution of other countries, he agreed perfectly with his right honourable friend, in the opinion delivered by him on a former day, that it was not for us to trouble ourselves with definitions of the legality of the government of this or that country, or the strict construction of its constitution; but it was enough if we saw an opportunity of restoring that party to power, which was most likely to prove a valuable friend to Great Britain in the day of future difficulty. The law of nations allowed this, and it was certainly right to seize upon such an opportunity whenever it offered. Another maxim he held as a maxim of sound policy to pursue, and that was, where the interference of France could be counteracted, and her influence deprived of its power, to seize the moment and the means of effecting both objects. We could not be in the wrong, whenever this was probable to be achieved. It was enough to know, that a French party in Holland had prevailed, for us to endeavour to drive that French party away, and disarm it of its power. With regard to subsidiary treaties as applicable to continental connexions, and a necessary branch of that system, generally considered, they were wise measures. But in proportion, as the system was a system founded, in sound policy, it ought to be constructed and put together with the most wary caution, so that all parts fitted and adhered closely, and gave the whole a degree of stability and strength to insure its permanency. The utmost care ought certainly to be taken to prevent such excellent systems from being disgraced and discredited by imperfections, and injurious consequences resulting from want of foresight at the period of the original negociation and conclusion of subsidiary treaties. The mischievous consequences it was, that had put so many great and good men out of humour with them, and therefore in proportion to the real policy of the measure itself, a provident regard ought to be had to the prejudices of mankind in order at least not to make them less fond of them. Under this view of subsidiary treaties, much might be said of the Treaty with the Landgrave of Hesse, the excellence or disadvantage of which depended on a variety of considerations and circumstances, of the existence of which he was wholly ignorant, but he was ready to grant ministers a bill of credit, for the existence of such of them as could alone constitute the Treaty on the table a beneficial treaty for this country. Upon the face of it, and its prominent features considered only, it was an advantage to Great Britain to engage in a treaty for that purpose with the Landgrave of Hesse, who was young, of a martial spirit, fond of military life, and an able general. The Chancellor of the Exchequer had done wisely in giving the Landgrave what he called a retaining fee; because, if a fit cause should arise, the Landgrave of Hesse would prove an excellent counsel on our side, and would undoubtedly produce more powerful arguments in our behalf, than, he feared, he should be able to produce in the cause in which he should shortly have to plead at the bar of the House of Lords. The Landgrave of Hesse was an able general, and as there were few able generals in the world, he had no objection to our having an able general in our service. But, the whole effect of the Treaty was not, as the right hon. gentleman had stated it, merely the giving the Landgrave of Hesse a retaining fee of 36,000l. per annum; the Landgrave of Hesse was too wise a prince to engage to furnish Great Britain with 12,000 men, whenever required, for the mere paltry consideration of 150,000 Banco crowns per annum. The quantum of Banco crowns was not the only, nor, in fact, was it the most considerable advantage to be eventually derived from the Treaty by the Landgrave. Those who looked at the Treaty, and thought that it was merely a treaty of subsidy, left the great question out of the case, and judged only from one side of the object. By the Treaty, this country stipulated to continue to guarantee the Landgrave of Hesse, and might therefore be eventually involved in a war in consequence of it. Should that happen, instead of receiving the aid of 12,000 troops from the Landgrave, we should perhaps have to assist that prince with an army of 100,000 men. The right honourable gentleman could not deny this, because it was the casus fœderis, and in the Treaty. It required, therefore, more consideration to form a judgment upon the balance of advantage and disadvantage likely to result from the Treaty, than might have been at first imagined. He took it for granted that ministers had taken, and were yet taking, the necessary measures to guard against the Landgrave's being involved in a war, or to provide for his support in case of an attack, on account of his having made the present Treaty. France was just now in an humiliated state, and had felt it prudent to withhold her arms and her resolutions; she could not, however, but be mortified at what had passed in Holland, and though from a variety of circumstances she chose to let her anger sleep, it ought to be remembered, that it was only asleep, but not extinct. France it was well known, was a powerful nation, and could easily recruit her strength; an opportunity might offer to entice and encourage her to attack the Landgrave. If, therefore, the system of continental connexions (of which he took the Treaty to be a small part only) was not formed with a provision for that event, the system was an inadequate and a bad system, and of consequence the Treaty a disadvantageous Treaty. Looking at the Treaty as a measure single and insulated, he declared that it was the last measure which he would give his consent to; but as a part of a system, it might be a wise measure, and as such he should vote for it. He took it for granted that Prussia was with us in the Treaty, and that the Prussian Monarch and not the Landgrave was the principal in it. He spoke of the advantages to be derived from an alliance between Great Britain, Prussia, Hesse, and Holland, in case of a war, and observed, that though it was material for us to take Holland out of the hands of France, in one point of view only could she be regarded as a very useful ally to Great Britain in case of a war with France, and this was in giving us the advantage of her ports in the East Indies. In respect to aids of men and money from Holland, we could not build much upon them. There were, however, other powers in Europe to be looked to for alliance; and in particular the emperor, who had abundant resources. Russia likewise was a most desirable ally, but both Russia and the Emperor might now be thought to have their hands full. That circumstance, however, would continue for a time only, and both would probably be shortly disengaged. Russia had of late years grown to a state of considerable power and influence in the affairs of Europe, and had even been found to have her weight in the scale at a time when she stood single in a war with the Turks. With Russia and Prussia and Holland for our allies, he declared that he should little care for the rest of the world. In treating of the recent transactions in Holland, Mr. Burke took occasion to mention the King's Speech, and said, it was usual to hold it out as a morsel of finished eloquence as a proof of the minister's powers of composition. The late Speech was certainly an extraordinary performance; but if any man was to make it, and the facts it contained, the grounds of historical narrative, he would certainly risk a good deal of ridicule. Instead of grave history, it partook more of the nature of an epic poem, rather resembling an agreeable allegory, or a romance in the style of ancient chivalry. It reminded him pretty strongly of Palmerin of England, Don Belianis of Greece, and other books of that romantic nature, which he formerly had lost much of his time in reading. He was glad to find, however, that the gallantry of those kings and princes who had so eminently distinguished themselves when chivalry prevailed, was revived. Let any gentleman examine the vein in which the Speech proceeded, and they would instantly per t ceive the strong resemblance it bore to he subjects of ancient romance. A chivalrous king, hearing that a princess had been affronted, takes his lance, assemples his knights, and determines to do her justice. He sets out, instantly, with his knights in quest of adventures, and carries all before him, achieving wonders in the cause of the injured princess. This reminded him of the ancient story of a princess named Latona, who, having been insulted by a nation, like the Dutch, appealed to Jupiter for satisfaction, when the god, in revenge for her wrongs, turned the nation that had affronted her, into a nation of frogs, and left them to live amongst dykes and waters. Mr. Burke remarked, that although the king of Prussia had, professedly, set out merely to obtain adequate satisfaction for the injury done his sister, his army by accident took Utrecht, possessed themselves of Amsterdam, restored the Stadtholder, and the former government and all this at a stroke, and by-the-bye, which put him in mind of a verse in Cowley's sprightly ballad called The Chronicle, which he had often read with pleasure: But when Isabella came And th' artillery of her eye, She beat out Susan, by-the-bye. Mr. Burke enforced his former observations, that what had happened in Holland could not but remain lodged in the bosom of France, to be opportunely used, as a justification of some future quarrel and resentment on her part; and that we ought, therefore, to expect such an event, and by wise alliances to strengthen our selves, and put it at a greater distance, as well as prepare against its arrival, let that happen when it might. He reminded the House of the objections and jealousies which this country had formerly made and manifested against the employment of foreign troops at home, and particularly in 1755, when the Hessians were last employed in England. At that period the popular alarm had increased to such a height, that their dread of the danger which threatened at the time, was much less than their dread of the means resorted to for its prevention. Indeed the great argument used in favour of the militia at its first institution by lord Townshend, lord Chatham, and other patriots, who were now sleeping in their graves, with their heads resting on their laurels, was, that the creating such an internal force for the immediate defence of the kingdom, would in future prevent the necessity of recurring to the unpopular expedient of employing foreign troops within the realm. Mr. Burke begged in the mention of these facts, to be considered rather as the narrator of jealousies and sentiments which had prevailed, than as the foreteller of their revival in consequence of the present Treaty with the Landgrave of Hesse. He trusted there would be no occasion to call them again into existence, and was willing to believe that ministers had providently guarded against the possibility of there being justifiable reasons for their future entertainment. The motion was agreed to nem. con. Poor Laws.] Dec. 6. Mr. Gilbert begged leave to trespass on the attention of the House, whilst he adverted to a subject which he had much at heart, and in which the House had, in a very laudable manner, interested itself these two sessions past; and he did not doubt, but through the assistance of the House, he should be able to complete the whole, in a manner that would reflect credit on their humanity, in their attention to a body of the community that could not redress themselves otherwise than through their medium. He believed it was unnecessary to point out those to whom he alluded-the poor of this kingdom. A Bill had passed last session, requiring the ministers, church-wardens, and other proper officers to make returns of all charitable donations within the parishes or precincts over which they presided; in consequence of this, returns to a large amount were accordingly made. The House then ordered, that those returns should be printed for the use of the members, which was likewise done; but so imperfectly, that the main object was very much defeated. To remedy this, it was deemed eligible to send circular letters to the ministers, churchwardens, &c. in order to rectify the defects in the former returns; and to reduce the whole into a more regular system. This had a very good effect, insomuch, that within these few months, not less than 2,700 returns had been made. His motion at present therefore was, "That a committee be appointed to take those returns into consideration, and to report their opinion how far the Act made in the 26th of his present Majesty, for the pur |