But the right hon. gentleman says, he intended only that Mr. Hastings should be recalled. He determines, in May 1782, that Mr. Hastings should be recalled; Mr. Hastings did not arrive in England until 1785. The right hon. gentleman was no short time in office before the recall was thought of; time for reflection had been gained, and he found that he had been too zealous. But he had proceeded too far to retreat; he therefore at length determined to recall Mr. Hastings, and he did recall him-with thanks, with approbation, and with every mark of favour and protection that a minister could bestow. Is this the effect of the boasted reformation in India? Is this the earnest of the new system of eastern government, which was to produce so much happiness and prosperity in that part of the world? Is this an example of the boasted determination of ministers to punish Asiatic crimes? to reman, to refuse to give him an oppor-debted, and to whose exertions we owe al tunity of vindicating his innocence? Where that system this House has pledged itsel would be the injury to Mr. Hastings, of to establish, to come forward, and with sending up an impeachment against him? manliness and spirit move that they be Where is the danger? In that assembly, erased from the Journals of this House where all the law, the religion, and the Why do they remain enrolled an evidence justice of this country is collected, it is of the impotence or of the folly of those impossible any injury can be suffered. A who ought to be the guardians of the jusfair and equitable trial of the business tice of the nation? must take place, and the culprit have it in his power to vindicate himself from the charges which have been made against him. These resolutions brought up by the learned gentleman, undoubtedly were intended to be a pledge that a charge would be made against all who had disobeyed them, and that it would be carried into effect by this House of Commons. There are only three modes by which any man can be charged by this House: two of them are disapproved of; why should not the remaining one have its fair operation? But it is said, there should be some fixed marks of parliamentary disgrace upon Mr. Hastings, but that it is too much to impeach him. But how is this to be done, without inquiring into the crimes of which he is accused, and passing some opinion with regard to them? Would you condemn him without suffering him to be heard at the proper bar? It is true, an impeachment by the Commons of England is a charge of great solemnity, and much weight; yet it is no condemnation. The House possesses no judicial sentence; it only, in this instance, follows up what it laid down as the rule to which it was to adhere, with regard to our servants in India. But to-night we pass no resolution of impeachment, we decide only upon the crime; the former must be left to an after consideration of the whole, not any particular part of his measures. Let the whole of the conduct of Mr. Hastings be met fully, and without evasion; let it be examined with firmness, and with a determined purpose of asserting the principles of moderation and equity we have held out to the world, and upon the maintaining of which, the stability of of our footing in India must undoubtedly exist. If our views of administering government in India are changed; if we believe that those resolutions which were framed with an unanimity not always to be expected, and at that time very uncommon in this House, were not founded in good policy, nor in justice, let us declare it to the world. I call upon the learned gentleman to whose labours we are so much in An hon. gentleman (Mr. Grenville) has been pleased to speak of the Bill which I brought into this House, with regard to that part of our dominions, with some severity, and has described it as a Bill that will be long remembered in this country. I hope it will not soon be forgotten. It may be thought that on this point I feel sore. I own I do not think it wise, on their part, to mention this matter now; no part of that business can redound much to their honour. The Bill which they have framed, has been renewed and amended, until it scarcely bears the resemblance of the original form: I do not wish to call up this subject, but I know what I owe to myself. I must take this opportunity to declare, that the Bill to which the hon. gentleman alludes, I esteem the most important measure of my life. The principle on which it was built, I am satisfied, is that alone which is capable of maintaining order, and preventing abuse in the government of those distant territories. Long had I revolved in my own mind, the plan of which I am now speaking; and when I came into office, I did not feel easy until I had attempted to bring into existence, what I held so essential to the right administration of our government in that part of the world; and until I should accomplish it, I felt I had not done justice to India. An hon. gentleman (Mr. Jenkinson) has thought proper to arrogate merit to himself, in having rendered abortive the system which I proposed, and has been pleased to boast of his influence in contributing towards its overthrow. It is, indeed, an influence which you have all felt; it is a rod which has severely chastised this country; which has brought it to the brink of ruin; inclosing all things in concealment and disguise, it still continues to spread its baneful effects over the measures of the government of this nation. But long as this has been suspected, persevering and forcible as has been its action, never until this day has its existence been avowed, and made a subject of undissembled boasting. The hon. gentleman, indeed, is right to make himself formidable by something. He possesses knowledge and industry; but if his influence was not more powerful than his argument and his consequence in this House, and in this country, it would speedily find its own destruction, and be reduced, like them, to less than nothing. But how much soever the hon. gentleman may make a triumph of his power in the instance to which I allude, I can assure him I feel myself very little personally affected by it and I do declare, that unless I had been able to accomplish the great point to which I had bent all my thoughts, I would not have remained one day in office. Had I accomplished it, I would not have left India in that forlorn state, in which I think it is now left, abandoned to the management of men incessantly driven from one object to another; appearing determined now, and again deserting their ground; and every thing at last failing them, they have been forced to rest all their hopes upon the virtues of a single man. I will venture to foretell, that this measure will be found as little effectual, for the purposes wanted in India, as the other schemes they have held up to deceive the public. Perpetual, constant, strict responsibility to this House, is the only way in which it is possible to govern with justice, and with effect, these distant possessions. It is in this way only we shall be able, and it is upon these conditions alone that we have a right to preserve them. It was on these [VOL. XXVI.] principles that I founded my Bill, and I am still confident they are the only principles that can impart stability and rectitude to that part of the administration of the empire. I know that the measure was by some persons loudly execrated, and condemned; but I take this opportu nity of declaring, that whatever others may think of it, my opinion is only more and more confirmed of its propriety and necessity. The principle of that Bill it is my ambition to have considered as the object which, above all others, I think the most necessary for this country to attain. Those who opposed it have passed another, different in form, and founded on very different maxims. What have they done? They have passed one bill one year, another bill another year; and we see them driven about from one principle to another, until they scarcely themselves know what they are proceeding. upon The whole government of India rests upon responsibility. This is the grand object to which attention should be directed. And let me ask, how this is to be effected? If, in every instance, and at every point of time, you have not the means of enforcing this principle, it is not possible the government of this country can be preserved in its purity in the East. You have no other hold of the people whom you send out to that part of the world, but by placing them in such a situation, that every thing they do is to be canvassed and inquired into, and if criminal, punished with severity. If you lose sight of this for a moment, your power over that country is gone. If a bad act is committed, what can you do? You threaten, and you recall; you appoint committees, and prepare all the apparatus of punishment. This consumes time; and with regard to that part of the world, thirteen months are thirteen years. Before you can bring this man before you, something may happen that will be a set-off, and the whole may at once vanish away. The inquiry will be silenced, and affairs go on in the same wretched train in which they hitherto have been conducted. People are greatly mistaken if they imagine there can be the responsibility in India that there is here, and by similar means. In this country, facts can be get at with ease; the conduct of men is under the public eye; and if they betray the trust reposed in them, it is possible to come at the means of detecting their guilt. But how are you to procure evidence of crimeş [G] tion, and that fear of punishment need not, at any time, interrupt the pursuit of gain. committed in so distant a country? The time necessary for such a purpose would suffer any mischief to be carried on, perhaps to the total ruin of our possessions. I would have strict, literal, and absolute obedience to orders, in all those whom I entrusted with the administration of government in that country; that we might know the ground upon which we were treading, and be able to form some judgment of the real state of our affairs in that part of our possessions. This House has already passed certain resolutions, and has pledged itself to see them put in execution; an opportunity is now presented, the matter is now in issue; and if it is suffered to fall to the ground without a spirited and a firm examination, all inquiry may sleep for ever, and every idea of punishment be buried in oblivion. This is, as I have said before, a matter of the utmost importance, and one which admits not of delay. If these principles are founded in truth, justice, and good policy, it is incumbent on you to lose no time to bring them into effect, and, by a striking example, to convince the world that the principles of equity and moderation which you have held out were not intended to deceive; and that you did not begin the work of reformation without being determined to carry it on until it should have its full effect, by restoring happiness, and preventing oppression throughout our dominions in Asia. I have thought it proper, Sir, to shew that my opinion is not altered, and to declare that I do not see any thing hitherto done which is in any respect likely to place our affairs in that quarter upon a stable and prosperous basis. Deeming, as I do, the affairs of India to be weighty to the last degree, I trust that I need make no apology for endeavouring to impress upon the House the only mode of governing these possessions, that I am confident can ever be attended with success, namely, that of responsibility to this House. With this principle the present inquiry is most intimately connected. If you suffer it to be evaded, an abandonment of all control over your people in India must undoubtedly follow. Mankind will always form their judgments by effects; and observing that this man, who has been the culprit of this nation, and of this House, for a series of years, is absolved, without a regular trial of his crimes, they will easily conclude, that another may find the same mode of coming at protec I would again, Sir, before I sit down, revert to the matter immediately before us. The principles of morals are to be drawn from books, and from the tongues of men, not from their actions. The fact is, indeed, too true, that men have in all ages been little governed in their actions by equity and justice; but seldom has it happened, that they have openly avowed that they have not been directed, in their conduct, by rules so generally established as the foundation of all intercourse among mankind. The war against the Rohillas carries with it so great an abandonment of all the great leading principles of morality, that it is astonishing that any man can attempt to defend it. We should reflect that our character is at stake-and undoubtedly we should preserve that fair and unsullied. It is natural to trust in a fair character; and when that is lost, all confidence is carried with it. We should consider that Mr. Hastings himself does this. He acts upon the character of nations; he states the character of the Rohillas as a reason for their being exterminated. If we were to go on this principle, and exterminate every nation of that description, we should soon leave the face of the earth thinly inhabited; and I am afraid our own country would not be able to stand up with much confidence in defence of its own character, if it should give its assent to such barbarous doctrines. But there was nothing in the character of the Rohillas, to excite the indignation, or draw down the resentment of any nation, much less of Great Britain. They were a brave people; and, what is singular, the only free people in India. They governed the country of which they were possessed with a mildness of which its very flourish. ing condition, so as to be called the garden of Hindostan, is an undeniable proof; they were endowed with all those national virtues which Britons have been accustomed to admire, and which form a strong chain of connexion between countries which enjoy the blessings of liberty. Ought not such a people to have met with sympathy and regard in the feelings of this nation? Ought not a cause such as theirs to have interested a British bosom? To mark out such a people as the objects of avarice, as the victims of unprovoked resentment, or to abandon them to the rod of tyranny and oppression-what conduct could be more derogatory to the character of a na- | tion which enjoys the influence of liberty? What mode of procedure could be more disgraceful to the honour and humanity of the British name? A right hon. gentleman (Mr. Grenville) has spoken of the religion and tenets of the Rohillas as an argument for their destruction. I think he said, they were of some particular sect of Mussulmen, the sect of Omar, and different from Hindoos, the original inhabitants of the country. Men, Sir, have been persecuted on account of their religion; but that an argument of this kind should be made use of at his time of day, to palliate the crime of exterminating a nation, is a matter I do not understand. Of what consequence is it to the question of the justice of the war, whether their tenets or their practice differ from those around them? I am, indeed, sorry to hear such doctrine as the justice of this war, defended by a young man, who, from his situation in office, gives us reason to dread, that on principles like these, the new government in India is to be established. The whole of this business is now before you. You are now to decide; and I call upon you to reflect, that the character, the honour, and the prosperity of this nation depend on your decision. I have appealed to what is called the passions, that is, the indignation of mankind, against enormous guilt, against violence and oppression. It has been my opinion, that we ought, in this manner, always to feel with regard to Indian delinquents. The people of Hindostan have a claim upon our protection, upon our pity, and their distresses call loudly for vengeance upon their oppressors. Sixty thousand Rohillas driven like a herd of deer across the Ganges from their houses and from their lands, to perish_through want of subsistence, or depend on the precarious bounty of nations with whom they had no connexion; these circumstances excite you to take vengeance on those who have abused your authority, and tyrannized over them. The Begum and other women, and the princes of that wretched nation, who, in vain, pleaded for relief from the hands of your servants, call upon you to vindicate your own character, and to let the guilt fall upon those who have deserved it. We ought, it is said, to be counsel for the prisoner. If a man is not able to plead his own cause, it is right to allow him every indulgence, and to put it in his power to bring forward a fair state of the circumstances of his case. Truth is the object at which we wish to grasp, and every mode of bringing that before us is to be attended to. My duty is, when I find great crimes, to state them, and that not merely on my own authority, but from the accounts of those who were eye-witnesses. There is no such delicacy as some would lead us to believe. It is our duty to bring a culprit to justice. Mr. Hast ings is the culprit of the nation. He has infringed our orders, and we have bound ourselves to call him to account. Whatever may be his services, they cannot be pleaded here: they never can be considered as preventing his offences being inquired into; and if he is guilty, he ought to suffer the punishment due to them. My right hon. friend has brought forward his accusations openly and boldly. He did not basely slander Mr. Hastings when he was not present, and then meanly hide himself behind some pitiful evasion; but he has come forward with his charges to his face, and given him a fair opportunity of clearing his innocence to the world. Mr. Hastings has declared his wish to meet it. Why, then, will you not suffer it to take its regular course? I say again, where is the danger? Where the injury? Nothing but good can result from it to your government in India. Lord Cornwallis has been just sent out, with powers greater than were ever entrusted with any governor. By what rule is he to frame his conduct? Are those which have been laid down, and are now disapproved of by this House, to regulate it? Or is he to govern himself by the example of Mr. Hastings, of whose management this House must, if they acquit him on this business, be supposed to approve? My right hon. friend has singled out this transaction, because it has two features, which strongly mark the political conduct of Mr. Hastings;-contempt of the orders of his superiors, and an entire disregard of all principles of justice, moderation, and equity. These pervade all his actions, the whole system of his conduct, and appear to have taken entire possession of his mind. This transaction with Sujah Dowlah, and this war against the Rohillas, will give you an idea of his character, much better than any words can display it. These two characters are alleged to be contained in this charge which is brought against him. It remains for you to decide. And allow me again to intreat you to remember, that you are not pronouncing merely on the merits of an individual, but you are laying down a system of conduct for all future governors in India. The point is at issue. Your decision is most serious and important. I pray to Heaven it may be such as will do you honour! ment had been mild, just, and upright. At that time, many severe reflections were cast upon his conduct at the general court. Happy he was that the same could not be the case now. The right hon. gentleman would not surely complain of the Rohilla war there, and commend it in another place. Varying, indeed, were the sentiMr. Dundas confessed his readiness to ments among the members of the Board admit, that the animadversions made upon of Control, on certain East Indian topics. him by the right hon. gentleman, were Respecting the Rohilia war, the opinion warranted by the circumstances in which of his friends (Mr. Grenville and lord Mulhe stood. He had moved the resolution grave), he was free to acknowledge, difof 1782, and he still retained the senti- fered from the opinion he entertained upon ments he then expressed concerning the that subject; nor, was that the only dif Rohilla war, but he had not at that time ference of opinion among them; but their entertained any idea of subjecting Mr. sentiments had been uniformly similar reHastings to a criminal proceeding. He specting the business before them, as mathad moved for his recall avowedly on ters to be decided on for the future, and grounds of expediency, because he ap- it was merely about past transactions that peared to have lost the confidence of the they did not think alike. He next adverted native princes of India, and because there to what had fallen from Mr. Hardinge rewas thence reason to imagine that Mr. specting his notions of public and private Hastings could not continue to hold the morality, and said, that though he could not government of India with any advantage but applaud the learned gentleman's sento the Company, or any credit to Great timents on that subject, he feared they Britain. He considered it as singularly were merely theoretical, and that the exunfortunate for him to have his conduct perience of ages proved that they were in 1782, mentioned in an invidious man- not easily reducible to practice. State ner, when he could not but recollect that policy was the grand rule by which the the right hon. gentleman who spoke last sovereigns of powerful nations generally was the person who, though a member of governed their public conduct; and upon that House in 1782, had gone to the ge- a reference to almost every war comneral court of East India proprietors, had menced between one rival kingdom and put himself at their head, and had per- another, it would be found that strict mosuaded them to refuse to comply with the rality was little adverted to, and only from resolutions for the recall of Mr. Hastings. necessity. The war before the last beMany gentlemen might recollect the ex- tween Great Britain and France, had been traordinary zeal with which the recall of begun by our seizing some French ships; an Mr. Hastings had been opposed in the action which, if nicely scrutinized, would, court of proprietors, and that, not on he feared, not be considered as remarkthe grounds of resisting the interference able for its morality. The policy, thereof Parliament, but by arguments drawn fore, of any great measure was the grand from the great ability, justice, and salutary consideration to be adverted to, and unless effects of his administration, among those the measure was found to be notoriously and who stood forth on that occasion. Mr. flagrantly unjust, the expediency of it was Anstruther, at that time a member of the generally deemed a sufficient justification. court of proprietors, was peculiarly strenu--Mr. Dundas observed, that he stood in ous; and, together with Mr. Dallas and a very singular predicament with respect others, published his speech for the infor- to all transactions in India. Having taken mation of the public. Those speeches a public part in that House some years were still extant; but the right hon. gen- since, as president of the secret committee, tleman, it appeared, had not refreshed his which, upon the spur of a disaster, had memory by a recent perusal of that which been appointed originally to inquire into he had himself delivered; if he had, he the affairs of the Carnatic, but which afterwould there have learned, that Mr. Hast- wards found it necessary to extend its inings's disobedience to the vote of that vestigation, and applied to the House for House, had been no crime, and instead its proper powers, his opinions were known, of being guilty of the oppression and ty- and some of them recorded on the Jourranny he now imputed to him, his govern- nals. His situation, therefore, at the |