Duke of Suffolk was a premeditated scheme; and that these Noblemen came, thus attended, to prevent any proceedings which might have been adopted by the Queen and her Party, on their knowledge of this Event being accomplished; for these two Noblemen could not arrive at Leicester in confequence of the Murder, as it was impoffible for them to know of it, to get their men together, and to enter Leicefter, the one on the 4th, the other on the 5th of May, the account of it not arriving in London till the 4th; they therefore most probably came in confequence of their previous knowledge of the plan that was laid, to wait the event of it, and to act as circumstances might require.

The Sentence of Banishment feems to have been almost instantaneous, this method therefore of taking him off, must have been as inftantaneously resolved upon, by thofe of the Party then near the Court; for though the People in general, and the Commons, hated the Duke, it no where appears, that he was thus taken off by any generally concerted plan for that purpose, but by a Party; and as these two Noblemen, both at that time profeffed Friends to the Duke of York, arrived thus critically with fuch numerous Attendants fo well arrayed and accoutred, it gives the greatest reafon to fufpect that it was by their Party.

What Captain of a Ship that had met the Duke on the Sea, unless his Ship had been fent out on purpose to take him, could have known what had paffed at Leicester, otherwife than from the Duke's own people in the Spinner, and from that account only would have dared to take and murder him?

This Force too, the Nicholas, with the other Ships waiting on him, was certainly much fuperior to the Duke's two Ships, and one little Spinner; otherwife, how can we account for his own Shipmen not holding

holding with him; for however lowly fallen in the public esteem, a Nobleman, of his confequence and poffeffions, must have still had faithful Adherents enough to have defended him; and to have accompanied him to France; unless they found that refistance in their situation to fuch fuperior force, (a force fent out on purpose to take him,) could be of no fervice; but would most probably have haftened his fate.

The Words, "God fave the Kyng, and fende us pees," feem to infinuate a fufpicion of the King's perfonal fafety at this time, and a fear that the difturbances which then overfpread the land, might be productive of civil wars; for, the Prayer for Peace being coupled with that for the King's fafety, plainly refers to the difturbances at home, and not to thofe in France.

I From these, and all other circumstances, therefore, as stated in the two preceding Letters, it may be justly concluded, that the York Party not only contrived, but perpetrated the Murder of this Nobleman; who thus fell a terrible Example, that Blood requires Blood; and had it been the only, instead of the first blood fpilt by the Yorkifts, happy had it been for England, who would not then have had to lament thofe Deluges of it, which foon after flowed, in the. dreadful Civil Contefts between the two Houfes of York and Lancafter.

These two Letters and the Obfervations were read at the Meeting of the Antiquary Society, on Thursday the 30th of November, 1780, and entered in the Society's Minute Book. Vol. xvii. Page 181, &c. Thanks, &c. were ordered for the Communication.

LETTER XJJ.

To my trusty and welbelovyd frende Sir Thomas Howys Pfon of Caftellcombe.

T

RUSTY and welbelovyd. frende I grete you well.

(Here follow fome Orders refpecting his Affairs at Caifter.) And I pray you fende me word who darre be so hardy to keck agen you in my ryght. And fey hem on my half that they shall be qwyt as ferre as law and reafon wolle.

And yff they wolle not dredde ne obbey that; then they fhall be quyt by Blacberd or Whyteberd that ys to fey by God or the Devyll. And therfor I charge yow send me word whethyr fuch as hafe be myne Adv'faries before thys tyme contynew ftill yn her wylfullneffe, &c.

Itm I hyre oft tymys manye ftru'nge Rapports of demeny's of the 'gouv'n'ce of my place at Caftre and othyr plafys, as yn my chatell approvyng, yn my wynys the kepyng of my wardrobe and clothys, the avaylle of my Conyes at Haylysdon, &c. and approwem't of my londys. P'yng you hertly as my full truft ys yn you to help reforme it, and that ye fuffre no vityouse man at my place of Caftre abyde but wellgouv'ned and diligent às ye wolle aunfwer to it.

This is a private Letter, and would not have been worthy of publication, but as being characteristic of Sir John Faftolf's Difpofition.

Swearing, we are told by fome of our Historians, was the fashion of the time, and we are here presented with one of the usual Oaths,

Allmyghty

To my trusty and wellbeloved Friend, Sir Thomas Howes, Parfon of Castlecomb.

T

RUSTY and wellbeloved Friend, I greet you well.

(Here follow fome Orders refpecting his Affairs at Caifter.) And I pray you fend me word who dare be fo hardy to kick against you in my right; and fay (to) them on my half [behalf] that they shall be quiet as far as Law and Reafon will; and if they will not dread nor obey that, then they shall be quiet by 'Blackbeard or Whitebeard, that is to fay, by God or the Devil; and therefore I charge you, send me word whether fuch as have been mine Adverfaries before this time, continue ftill in their willfullness, &c.

2

Item, I hear oft times many ftrange Reports of the demeaning of the governance of my place at Caifter and other places, as in my Chatell approving, in my Wines, the keeping of my Wardrobe and Cloths, the Avail of my Conies at Hellefdon, &c. and Approvement of my Lands; praying you heartily, as my full truft is in you, to help (to) reform it.

And that ye fuffer no vicious man at my place of Caifter (to) abide, but well governed and diligent, as ye will answer to it.

* His Household, &c. feems to have been ill managed in his abfence, for the word approve in this place must mean to dvafle or manage ill.

Thomas Howes appears to have been a Superintendant of his Affairs at Caifter. He was Rector of Blofield in Norfolk, from about 1460 to 1471; and was one of Sir John's Executors. Caftlecomb is in Wiltshire.

Almighty

Allmyghty God kepe you. Wryt at London xxvij. day of Maij A xxviij' R R H vj. '

10 by 5.

John Faltolf, t.

Sir John Faftolf, had been a Commander of approved valour in the Wars in France, and was made a Knight of the Garter; he built this Place at Caifter, where he refided

in

R

LETTER XJJJ.

To my ryght bonurabyll Maifter John Pafton.

YGHT honurabyll and my ryght enterly; bylovyd

Maister I recomaunde me un to yow w all maner of due reu'ence in the mofte louly wyfe as me ought to do eu'mor. defyryng to here of yo' worshipfull state profp'ite and welfar the whech I befeke God of his aboundant gr'ce encrece and. mayntene to his mofte plesaunce and to yo' hartis defyre.

Pleafyth it yo' gode and gracios maistershipp tendyrly to confedir the grete loffes and hurts yt yo' por peticioner haeth

and

This Letter was written in 1465, 5 É. IV. but it relates fo entirely to a Tranfaction in June and July 1450, 28 H. VI. that I have thought it better to place it here, according to the Date of the Event it records, than according to the Date of the Time when it was written.

It presents to us, a certain and curious Account of the Commons of Kent, when affembled at Blackheath under Cade, in 1450, and was written by J. Payn (then a Servant to Sir John Fastolf) who was taken by them, carried about with them, and threatened to have been beheaded, &c.

It