which always arifes, when the great propofitions of an argument are much feparated by critical hiftory, or enquiries which fometimes muft defcend even to grammatical minutiæ. This arrangement has powers of its own kind: Bayle has availed himself of them to promote the cause of scepticifin and irreligion: we are happy to fee them moft ably employed to a better ufe. But we with the example of that writer had been here followed in giving a tranflation of all the citations. The omiffion takes fomething away from the ftrength of the proofs, to thofe who may ftand in the greatest need of them. To have given a tranflation without the original is the oppofite defect, and is of no fmall magnitude: but to this our limits have compelled us, in moft inftances, to fubmit.

The style of these fermons is good, and well fupported throughout. If this article had not run to a great length, by other means, examples might have been given of it. The fummary with which the whole concludes would have furnifhed us with an excellent fpecimen. Of this new tract of the regions of theological fcience, others have given brief notices, with observations on fome parts of it; Dr. Laurence has thoroughly inveftigated and defcribed it. He has furnifhed our preachers, and the advocates of our church, with arguments new, conclufive, and popular; and the church itfelf with a folid and important work, which, now it is finished, fully explains to every mind how great a defideratum it has long been. J. B.

ART. VII. An Enquiry into the Syftem of National Defence in Great Britain. By John Macdiarmid. 2 Vols. 8vo. 18s. Baldwin. 1805.

SCARCELY any fubject is of more importance (at leaft in the prefent fate of the world) than that of national defence but there is none which has given rife to fuch various and contradictory opinions, or on which fpeculative reafoners have fo widely diffented from the established practice. We ought therefore cautioufly to weigh and diligently examine every theory, however fpecious, on this interefting topic, left a precipitate and ill-confidered change fhould produce confequences difaftrous to the public fecurity.

We

We do not apply thefe obfervations peculiarly to the author before us; many of whofe fuggeftions appear to as well worthy of attention; but we deen his theory, on fome parts of the fobject, not easily reducible to practice; and his reafoning, on fome of the various topics which he has treated, rather fpecious than juft.

The author has divided his work into two parts. The fuft of these treats "of the means by which Great Britain may be rendered fecure, without diminishing her profperity;" the fecond fuggefts improvements in "the fyftem of national

defence."

It cannot be expected that we should enter into all the topics, far lefs that we fhould examine all the arguments in a work like the prefent, which embraces almoft the whole circle of political economy; but we will endeavour to mark its most prominent features, and distinguish its general cha

racter.

The firft fubject of the author's confideration is the general profperity of Great Britain. He very fully and clearly refutes the opinions of those who represent her as in a state of decline, fhowing, from facts well known, or recorded in the most approved works, that, upon the whole, there is an increase in the commerce, wealth, power, and public spirit of this country. Yet, he further obferves, there are obftructions to this profperity, which confiderably retard it's progrefs, and which arife, in his opinion, from our fyftem of defence. The national lofs, by the number of men taken from productive induftry, the maintenance of the officers and other perfons attached to the naval and military departments, or employed in the collection of the revenue destined for this fervice, the wafte which attends the support of an army and navy, particularly on foreign expeditions, the wealth taken from us by fubfidies, and the maintenance of foreign troops to enrich foreign countries, the purchase of military stores, arms and ammunition, the thips and fortifications, and the lofs by a portion of capital remaining unemployed till productive labourers can be replaced, are all enumerated as obftructions to national profperity, arifing from our system of national defence.

The author next examines the means employed for removing thofe obftructions, and endeavours to how that they have hitherto been attended with little effect.

"There feem," he obferves, "to be but two modes in which an efficacious remedy can be applied to the evils arising from

the

the fyftem of defence, without rendering the nation lefs fecure. The one is, to leffen the national danger in fuch a manner as that preparations of much less extent shall be neceffary to her defence the other is, to introduce fuch improvements into her fyftem of defence, as that it will encroach lefs on her profperity, while at the fame time it renders her equally fecure."

:

He then enquires, What alleviations of the public burdens are practicable? and, after fhowing the evils and dangers attending the increase of the national debt, examines the different fchemes to reduce it. He first confiders whe. ther it be practicable to pay off the national debt by the facrifice of a portion of the 'national property, and, having condemned that fcheme as oppreflive and hazardous, adverts to the opinion of those who recommend a national bankruptcy, and very decidedly and juftly condemns it. Next he difcuffes the refource afforded by the finking fund, combating the arguments of those who think the national debt ought not to be reduced, and fhowing that if the debt were. completely annihilated, other depôts equally fecure and convenient would be devised for thofe who now inveft their money in the public funds. He argues (we think juftly) that a finking fund fhould be rendered abfolutely unalienable; but rather uncandidly imputes to the minifters of this country in general, a difpofition to lavifh the public money in vain and ambitious projects; fince he admits, at the fame time, that every addition to the public burdens diminishes their popularity, and confequently renders their power infecure and precarious.

He thinks that in the prefent ftate of our expenditure, no fuch fum can be fet apart for a finking fund as will be able to reduce the debt, or even to prevent its further ac. cumulation." Our limits will not permit us to examine at large the calculations upon which this opinion is founded. From the above statements, this writer infers that "it is to a reduction of the prefent expenditure alone that the government can look for relief from thofe embarrassments which (in his opinion) hurry it forward to ruin;" and fuch a reduction, he repeats, can only be made by one of the two ways already mentioned, namely, by fhortening the period of war, or introducing beneficial alterations in the fyftem

of defence.

The period of war is not, the author argues, likely to be fhortened by any alteration in the ftate of public affairs. The fecond part of the work is therefore devoted to the means of improving the fyftem of national defence. Of the

two

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two modes by which a nation can refift her enemies, namely foreign atfiftance, or her own intrinfic refources, the latter is juftly preferred. Foreign affiftance, of every defcription, may, (in the author's opinion,) without detriment, be entirely relinquifhed in our fyftem of national defence."

The different modes of augmenting the refources applicable to defence are next difcuffed. It is attempted to be fhown" that all acceffions of diftant territory, inftead of augmenting the refources of Great Britain, applicable to her defence, tend to their diminution." In the enquiry which follows, refpecting our intrinfic refources, the mercantile fyftem, (as the author terms it) is ftrongly condemned. We are no friends to prohibitions, monopolies, and bounties; but think the author exaggerates their extent and ill effects. Under the prefent circumftances, it is safer to make gradual improvements in our commercial regulations, having regard to thofe liberal principles which later writers have adopted, than at once to deftroy the whole system. The policy of the navigation laws (which is much questioned by this writer) opens a wide field for difcuffion, upon which our limits will not permit us to enter.

"The expediency and neceffity of rendering a people warlike" forms the next topic of confideration, and is very fully and ably difcuffed. The prejudices which many have entertained refpecting the effects of wealth, civilization, learning, commerce, on the martial fpirit of a people, are justly combated, and, (we think) effectually done away; the fanciful doctrine of Montefquieu and others, which afcribes to the influence of climate the warlike or unwarlike character of a nation, is also proved to be unfounded, by various inductions from ancient and modern hiftory."

The qualities neceffary to render a people warlike this author fhows to be "intrepidity, hardihood, patriotifm, and fkill or dexterity in the art of war:" he then enquires what circumftances tend to produce these feveral qualities, diftinguishing very properly between ferocity and true courage, and obferving that a man may be rendered intrepid by more powerful caufes than even the habits of warfare. In this part of the work are many ingenious and entertaining remarks; but they are multiplied beyond what the fubject required; and draw our attention from the principal object; which is, to point out the leading caufes of a warlike difpofition, in order that all the public measures hereafter adopted may have a tendency to produce it. We will therefore, in this part, extract the fubftance of each of the author's divifions or fections, which he has judicioully abftracted at the

end of each. On the subject of intrepidity he thus concludes:

"In the courfe of this difquifition it has appeared, that à government, by regulations which forcibly counteract the natural courfe of things, may produce intrepidity among its fubjects; that, however, fuch intrepidity can never be either univerfal or permanent; and that when any portion of the people is rendered more peculiarly intrepid by fuch regulations, another portion neceffarily becomes lefs intrepid than they would otherwife be. It has alfo appeared that a government, by allowing things to take their natural courfe, by permitting its fubjects to acquire and enjoy what never fhould be withheld from them, may produce among them an intrepidity at once complete, univerfal, permanent, and peculiarly adapted for the purposes of warfare, as far as the defence of a nation is concerned." P. 129.

After difcuffing at large "the circumftances which render a people hardy," he thus fums them up at the conclu fion :

"In the courfe of this fection it has appeared, that a govern ment, by forcible regulations, cannot poffibly render its fubjects more hardy in one way, without rendering them lefs hardy in another; that it cannot, by any regulations, render one part of its fubjects more hardy without rendering another lefs hardy; that it cannot increase the number of thofe it accounts most hardy in any better way, than by allowing industry its free courfe; and that when a people is allowed to pursue the na tural courfe of improvement without interruption, they will ne ceffarily become hardy, in the manner moft adapted to the purpofes of warfare, both univerfally, permanently, and in the higheft degree." P. 160.

The circumstances which render a people patriotic, and produce the fense of a common intereft, are ftated to be; firft," an attachment to the fame government;" and fe condly," a general and continual circulation of property." Thefe circumftances the author fhows to apply with pecu liar force to Great Britain. Having expatiated on this topic, and fhown how little danger is to be apprehended from invafion, Mr. M.D. recapitulates his principal heads of argua ment in the following terms:

"In the course of this fection it has appeared that, although a people may, in certain circumftances, be rendered patriotic, by regulations which counteract the natural course of things; fuch patriotifin can never be permanent. X x

BRIT. CRIT. VOL. XXVII. JUNË, 1806: