"the constitution to the centre." Is not this saying, that, after the union should have taken place, full concessions to Ireland might be made without danger? Would not the catholics necessarily understand that these concessions would then be made?

2. Such was the language of the minister who proposed the union. What is the language of the Act of the Union? "That every one of the lords and commons of the parlia"ment of the United Kingdom, and every member of the "United Kingdom, in the first and every succeeding parlia"ment, shall, until the parliament of the United Kingdom "otherwise provide, take the oaths now provided to be taken." -Is not this an explicit intimation, that a change of oaths, after the union, in favour of the catholics was then contemplated? that a sure and certain hope of it was held out to them?

3. How did Mr. Pitt himself understand the terms of the concessions?-Let this be answered in his own words. When he explained the cause and motives of his memorable resignation, he thus expressed himself:- -"I, and some of my "colleagues in office, did feel it an incumbent duty upon us "to propose a measure on the part of the government, which "under the circumstances of the union, so happily effected "between the two countries, we thought of great public "importance, and necessary to complete the benefits likely "to result from the measure. We felt this opinion so strongly, "that, when we met with circumstances which rendered it "impossible for us to propose it as a measure of government, "we felt it equally inconsistent with our duty and our honour "any longer to remain a part of government. What may be "the opinion of others, I know not; but I beg to have it under"stood to be a measure, which, if I had remained in government, "I must have proposed."

Does not Mr. Pitt unequivocally avow in these words, that he was bound in honour to propose the emancipation of the catholics?

4. I shall now insert the written communications, which,

at the time of which we are now speaking, were made by Mr. Pitt and lord Cornwallis, and officially delivered by lord Castlereagh to doctor Troy, the catholic archbishop in Dublin.

"Mr. Pitt to lord Cornwallis,

"The leading part of his majesty's ministers, finding insur"mountable obstacles to the bringing forward measures of "concession to the catholic body whilst in office, have felt it

impossible to continue in administration, under the inability "to propose it, with the circumstances necessary to carrying "the measure, with all its advantages; and they have retired " from his majesty's service, considering this line of conduct as most likely to contribute to its ultimate success. The "catholic body will, therefore, see how much their future "hopes must depend upon strengthening their cause by good "conduct in the mean time: they will prudently consider "their prospects as arising from the persons who now espouse "their interests, and compare them with those which they "could look to from any other quarter: they may, with con"fidence, rely on the zealous support of all those who retire, "and of many who remain in office, when it can be given with

a prospect of success. They may be assured, that Mr. Pitt "will do his utmost to establish their cause in the public "favour, and prepare the way for their finally attaining their "objects; and the catholics will feel, that as Mr. Pitt could "not concur in an hopeless attempt to force it now, that he "must at all times repress, with the same decision as if he "held an adverse opinion, any unconstitutional conduct in "the catholic body.

"Under these circumstances, it cannot be doubted that "the catholics will take the most loyal, dutiful and patient "line of conduct; that they will not suffer themselves to be "led into measures which can, by any construction, give a "handle to the opposers of their wishes, either to misinterpret "their principles, or to raise an argument for resisting their "claims: but that, by their prudent and exemplary demeanour, they will afford additional grounds to the growing

"number of their advocates, to enforce their claims on proper "occasions, until their object can be finally and advantageously attained."

5. The Sentiments of a Sincere Friend, (i. e. Marquis Cornwallis), to the Catholic Claims:

"If the catholics should now proceed to violence, or enter"tain any ideas of gaining their object by convulsive measures, "or forming associations with men of jacobinical principles,

they must of course lose the support and aid of those who "have sacrificed their own situations in their cause, but who "would, at the same time, feel it to be their indispensable "duty to oppose every thing tending to confusion.

"On the other hand, should the catholics be sensible of "the benefit they possess, by having so many characters of "eminence pledged not to embark in the service of government, "except on the terms of the catholic privileges being obtained, "it is to be hoped, that, on balancing the advantages and "disadvantages of their situation, they would prefer a quiet "and peaceable demeanour to any line of conduct of an "opposite description."

6. In the debate, in the house of commons, on the petition of the Irish catholics, on Wednesday the 25th of May 1808, Mr. Elliot thus expressed himself:—

"I do not rise for the purpose of entering into any dis"cussion on the general topic, but in consequence of what "has fallen from my noble friend opposite, (lord Castlereagh), "merely to advert to the circumstance of the union, of which "I may be supposed to have some official knowledge; and "the nature of the expectation held out to the catholics, in order "to conciliate their acquiescence in this measure. My noble "friend has said, that no pledge was given to the catholics, "that their full emancipation was to be the immediate conse

quence of this measure, in consideration of their support. "It is true, indeed, that no bond was given to the catholics "on that point; but there were certainly expectations, and "something like promises held out to them, which, in my "mind, ought to be more binding than a bond. And so strongly

was this idea felt by my noble friend, and the right honour"able gentleman now no more, (Mr. Pitt), that they quitted "office because they could not carry the measure; and, when 66 upon Mr. Pitt's return to office, he opposed the going into "the committee, it was not from any objection to the measure, "but to the time."

7. Finally, lord Castlereagh, in his admirable speech on the motion made by Mr. Grattan, in the year 1819,-a large extract from which is inserted in the Historical Memoirs of the English, Irish and Scottish Catholics,-notices, "the "political incorporation of catholics and protestants, which,

upon certain principles, was in contemplation by Mr. Pitt " and those who acted with him at the time of the union."

XVIII. 2.

Doctor Southey's Criminations of the Roman-catholics in his present Chapter.

"that

1. "IT was believed," as you inform us, "the late troubles," (meaning the grand rebellion and the usurpation)," had been insidiously. "fomented by romish agents, with a view of pro"moting the romish cause." What evidence have you brought to substantiate these horrid suggestions ?-suggestions completely destitute of probability, and flatly contradicted by the long preceding sufferings, and heroic exertions of the romancatholics, in the royal cause.

2. "It was then certain," you say, "that the "catholics had profited by the late troubles, and "had made more converts than in any former · generation." What! profited by the parliamentary sequestrations of two-thirds of their property!

You must admit, that this was an extraordinary species of profit. As to their success in making converts,-I call upon you to prove the fact; it is diametrically contrary to all I have seen, heard, or read.

3. You then mention, that "the catholics re"viled the Marian martyrs in a strain which "showed how willingly they would have com"menced another persecution." To me this is altogether new, and I believe it wholly unfounded; but I beg leave to observe to you, that some of the Lutheran protestants spoke of the suffering Marians in very contumelious terms. Doctor Maclaine* informs us, that they proceeded so far as to call them "the devil's martyrs."

4. You say, that "the catholics had slighted the king in his exile." I am aware that this is intimated by lord Clarendon; but does he mention a single instance in which they conducted themselves in this manner? or a single fact which proves his charge? The whole tenor of their conduct to Charles I. during the contest between him and his parliament, and to Charles II. during his concealment after the battle of Worcester, so disingenuously concealed by Lord Clarendon, renders the charge utterly improbable. Clarendon's excessive dislike, both of the roman-catholics and the protestant dissenters, is an acknowledged blemish in his character. Catholic and loyal are synonymous terms:-You know, that, when Mirabeau wished to

* Translation of Mosheim's History, 2d edit. vol. 4, p. 187.