. the burgeffes of Hindon had been disfranchised for a time. True, Sir, but they deferved that punishment. It was the great object of Mr. Grenville's bill to reduce trials of contested elec tions to certain, fixed, and regular laws, that nothing might depend on faction, and for that end, as little as poffible might reft in the difcretion of the Houfe. But if we fhould now refuse to fend a writ for the election of members for Coventry; if we should violate the law in one inftance, we would foon do it in another, and that bill, with all its good effects, would fall to the ground.-That very difcretionary power of iffuing or not iffuing writs of election, for which an hon. gentleman had contended last night, was in the reign of King James, in times of lefs liberty than the prefent, looked upon with jealoufy, and exclaimed against as an infringement of freedom. Sir Francis Goodwin refused to fubmit to that difcretionary power which was then ufurped by the crown; and is the ufurpation on the liberties of the people lefs, though it is made by a number of men inftead of one? And if the people have a right to be represented, they have a right to be reprefented always, and all delays of giving them an opportunity of chufing their reprefentatives, is injuftice. The following is a maxim in Magna Charta, nulli negabitur juftitia, nulli deferetur. Why should the House depart from a fixed order? What has happened? Riots and tumults. Riots and tumults happened in an election at Brentford. The officers, whofe duty it was to keep order, reprefented to the Houfe of Commons, that they were not able to keep peace, and they asked the advice and affiftance of the Houfe. The House advised them to get a fufficient number of conftables, and to preferve the peace by all poffible means. This was a cafe exactly in point. It was faid that the election could not go on at Coventry without the aid of the Houfe; but what aid could the ufe give to the officers who were to prefide at the enfuing election at Coventry, that they were not already in poffeffion of? Befides, the officers to prefide at the future were not the fame who prefided at the last election. His Lordship confidered the petition from Sir Thomas Halifax and Mr. Rogers, as mere allegations, until the facts they alledged, fhould be proved. He adverted to the inconveniences that would flow from giving credit to mere affirmation of this kind. He was yet at liberty to confider the petition in the light of the effects of the fmart of disappointment. The delay propofed was an injury to the inhabitants of that great trading city, the inhabitants of which would be in a ferment until the election fhould be over; and the Mr. Fox. Mr. Mac donaid. the lofs arifing from their diffipation and idlenefs was a lofs to the public. His Lordship concluded with reading his motion. Mr. Fox gave the noble Lord credit for the ingenuity and industry with which he had fupported so bad a cause. These qualities evidently exerted, betray, however, oftentimes the weakness of the cause that needs their aid. The noble Lord, practising an ufual art, endeavours to drown an unpopular and unjuft propofition, by fhading and confounding it with ideas juft and popular. He talks of Magna Charta, of jealoufy, o difcretionary power, of the refiftance made to difcretionary power in former reigns. Good God, Sir, who would ima gine that the noble Lord was defending an intention to iffue out a writ for the immediate election of members for Coventry! Who would not imagine that he was fupporting a motion to defer that election until it could be made with freedom? The freedom of election, the independency and privileges of the House of Commons could not be any where lodged fo fafely as in their own hands, in their own difcretion. Are the facts alledged by the petitioners mere allegations? Is the noble Lord willing to bring that matter to a trial? Mr. Fox made a di ftinction between mere report, vague rumour, and random af firmations, and allegations contained in a petition to the House of Commons. The petition from Coventry was be fore the Houfe, and the Houfe muft decide upon it. The queftion then is, whether they ought not to decide upon it, before iffuing out a writ for a new election. Oh! but, fays the noble Lord, a delay would be injuftice to the electors of Coventry, who ought not to be unreprefented, not for a week. But it is better to be unreprefented for a fortnight, than to be unrepresented for a whole parliament: for at present, a free election at Coventry cannot take place. He concluded with faying, that the merits of the petition might foon be deter mined; that it would be unjust to iffue out the writ propofed before that should be done. He contended farther, that should a new election be ordered in the prefent circumftances, for Coventry, that would be an encouragement of riots and tu mults; for then it would be faid, let us try the effects of violence; if it fucceeds it is well; if not, we have an equal chance with our competitors afterwards. Mr. Macdonald faid, that for the laft reafon which the ho nourable gentleman had adduced for his being against the mo tion, he would be for it. Without mentioning names or con jectures, he thought it very probable that fome one of the parties in Coventry wifhed for a delay, and their wishes would be gratified, by refufing at the prefent time to iffue out the writ now moved for. The rioters, or fham-rioters, might have been employed on purpofe to occafion a delay, and he would not forward the intentions of their abettors If to find out the causes of the riots, and their aiders and abettors were so easy a matter, if the cause could be so easily decided as the hon. gentleman imagined, then it was a bad argument in his mouth, that the attendance of the petitioners and their witneffes at the bar of the House of Commons, would materially injure their election. For a few witneffes only it fhould feem would be neceffary; but for his part he thought the trial might be a long one, and might not be over during this feffion of parliament. However these things might be on the ground of adherence to parliamentary order and form, he would fupport the motion. Lord Mahon was for giving the fame latitude to the electors Lord Maof Coventry, in refpect of time, that is given in the cafe of bon. double returns. Mr. Winchcombe Hartley fufpected that there were ftill riots in Coventry. Sir G. Yonge faid, that what had fallen from the laft speaker, Sir G. led him to apprehend, that the writ of the House of Commons Yonge. for a new election at Coventry might meet with the fame treatment fhewn to the laft, if the causes and inftruments, aiders and abbettors of the riots, were not inquired into firft and punifhed; and that in this manner the authority of the Houfe would be brought into contempt. Major Egerton faid, he was at Coventry at the time of the Major Eg election. That there had been little if any rioting at Co- erton. ventry. No violence had been used, and no other oppofition or force but what arifes from fhouting, and the preffure of a multitude. If there was any violence offered, he did not believe it was of fuch a kind as to prevent the electors from voting, if they had had a mind to do fo. On a divifion of the House, there appeared for Lord Beauchamp's motion 114; Againft it 54. Tellers for the Ayes, Lord Lifburne, Right Hon. Welbore Mr. Speaker acquainted the Houfe, that he had received Mr. Speak from the right honourable Sir Fletcher Norton, late speaker er. of this House, the following letter, received by him from Admiral Sir George Brydges Rodney, baronet, in return to the thanks of the House of Commons, tranfmitted to the faid admiral by the faid Sir Fletcher Norton, in obedience to to their commands of the 29th day of February, in the laf feffion of Parliament. "SIR, Sandwich, at St. Lucia, July 16, 1780, "It is with the deepest impreffion of gratitude and respect, that I am now to acknowledge your very polite communication, and that tranfcendant honour which so auguft an affembly as the Commons of Great Britain, in Parliament affembled, have been pleased to confer upon me, by their unanimou vote of thanks. "When I reflect upon the infignificancy of my poor fer vices, compared with the magnitude of that retribution by which they have been fo eminently diftinguifhed, I am at a lofs how to exprefs that just and proper fenfe which I enter tain of the fame. "Upon your kindness I muft wholly rely, Sir, to make that true report of my moft grateful acknowledgements of this great obligation, by which the House of Commons have bound me, under the ftrongeft ties of gratitude, to perfe vere in an unremitting exertion of my utmoft endeavours to promote the honour and aggrandizement of the British flag. "I cannot conclude without requefting, that you will be pleased to accept my warmeft thanks for your truly polit: and obliging manner of conveying to me the fenfe and refolution of the Houfe of Commons. I have the honour to be, With the highest respect and regard, and moft humble fervant, G. B. RODNEY." To the right hon. Sir Fletcher Norton, November 24. This day Sir Guy Carleton, prefented the following paper at the bar of the House: To the honourable the knights, citizens, and burgeffes, in Parliament affembled. A Report of the Commiffioners appointed to examine, take, and state, the Public Accounts of the kingdom. THE act of Parliament that conftitutes us commiffioners for examining, taking, and ftating, the public accounts of the kingdom, being paffed, we entered immediately upon the execution of the powers thereby vefted in us; we took the oath oath prescribed, and fettled the neceffary arrangements of office and forms of proceeding. The legiflature not having left to our difcretion, which of the various fubjects referred to our confideration we should begin our enquiries with, but on the contrary, having exprefsly directed us, "in the first place, to take an account of the public money in the hands of the feveral accountants; and for that purpose to call upon them to deliver in a cash account; and to confider what fum it might be proper to leave in the hands of each accountant refpectively, for carrying on the fervices to which the fame is or might be applicable, and what fums might be taken out of their hands for the public fervice;" we, in obedience to the act, immediately applied ourfelves to that fubject. The public accountants may be diftinguished into three claffes. Ift. Those who receive public money from the fubject, to be paid into the exchequer. 2dly. Those who receive public money out of the exchequer by way of impreft, and upon account. 3dly. Thofe who receive public money from certain of this laft clafs of accountants, fubject to account, and who may be called fub-accountants. We began our inquiries in the firft clafs, and of that class, with the receivers general of the land tax. To come at a knowledge of their names, and of the balances of public money in their hands, we procured from the tax office the laft certificate of the remains of the land tax. By that certificate it appeared, that of the land tax, window, and house tax, to Lady-day laft, the arrears in the hands of the receivers general, upon the 14th July laft, amounted to the fum of three hundred and ninety-eight thousand seven hundred and fortyeight pounds nine fhillings and five pence halfpenny. As this certificate was grounded upon returns not made to us, but to the tax office, we iffued our precepts to every receiver general of the land tax, and to the reprefentatives of those who were dead, requiring them forthwith to tranfmit to us an account of the public money in their hands, cuftody, or power, at the time they should each of them receive our precept. dix. No. L Returns were accordingly made to all our precepts; a lift See Appenof which returns, with their feveral dates, is fet forth in the Appendix to this report; and from thete it appears, that the balances of the taxes on land, windows and houfes, fervants, VOL. XVIII. R and |