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grace the fanguinary brow of every unfeeling, unprincipled conqueror. A good man will indignant turn his eyes from laurels and palins of victory stained with the blood of deferving fellow-subjects facrificed to fordid views, to the luft of power, to the rage of a tyrannical administration. The palin of consistency, at least, the honourable gentleman who inade the motion will at all events scarcely think of offering to Lord Cornwallis. That will be worn, and I hope long, with the applause of his grateful country, by another + noble Earl, who rose fuperior to the false glory, to be acquired from his profession, when called upon in an unjustifiable cause, and honourably preferred the line of duty to his country and its conftitution, to the fame and renown of military atchievments, which his natural ardour panted after. Lord Cornwallis, Sir Henry Clinton, and Admiral Arbuthnot, I will not consent to thank, for I consider them as having drawn th swords against their innocent American fellow-lubjects, and without provocation bathed them in their blood.
The noble Lord who spoke laft, says, that our thanks would come with great propriety to Lord Cornwallis, and the other two officers, becaufe the thanks of this House were voted on the taking of Quebec, and the late success of the gallant Rodney. Does not the noble Lord observe a striking difference in the three cases. The surrender of Quebeck was, perhaps, the most important and brilliant triumph over France of all the splendid victories of the last glorious war. the conquest of the capital of the perfidious Gaul in the new world. Sir George Rodney's late defeat and capture of the Spanilh men of war at that critical moment merited the warmeft thanks, and moft esteemed rewards of this country: In both cases we were destroying the overgrown power the House of Bourbon, the inviterate, avowed enemy of this nation. I think with Hannibal, hostem qui feriet mibi erit Carthaginiensis. I hold that man to be the best Englishman whole efforts shall be the boldeft, the most fpirited and fuccessful against France and Spain, especially against their naval power, which by the criminal negligence of our minifters has risen to such an alarining greatnels. I will from my heart thank that man. I will vote to decree hiin every honour of
+ The Earl of Effingham.
| Lord Beauchamp, meinber for Oxford, cofferer of his Majesty's houlhyld.
the senate and people. On the House of Bourbon should we call down all the thunder of the war. We ought, Sir, to blush at the cruel ravishing and defolation of the country, and the merciless flaughter of the inhabitants of our colonies, in a foolish, angry quarrel, carefully fomented at last to a bloody war, raised on a bajéless fabric, which perhaps in the end may scarcely leave a wreck behind. Our generals and admirals have already totally ruined some of the moft flourishing parts of this convulfed empire, and destroyed numberless industrious brave fellow-Tubjects, equally intitled with then:selves to the protection of the laws, and executive power. Are these, Sir, the eminent and very important services to his Majesty and this country, for which the honourable gentleman fattered himself with obtaining for our commanders the unanimous thanks of this House, of the representatives of the people of England?
It has been said, Sir, by the honourable gentleman who made this motion, that the Americans are now actually
, leagued with France and Spain against this country. I do : not doubt the existence of a triple league between America,
Spain and France, but I know the provocation, and I have good reaton to believe the alliance is only defensive and temporary. I do not allude to commercial treaties. France and Spain now appear to the world as auxiliaries to the United States of North America. The first alliance with France was made with great reluctance by America on the spur of the present neceffity. It was not thought of until in our domestic quarrel we called in foreign forces to cut their throats, until the mercenary German, or rather Cappadocian, princes, fold their subjects, like cattle, to an adminiftration expert in every species of bribery and ruinous contract, until long after our negociation for Russian troops to be sent to North America had been rejected in terms of contempt and horror. The late union between America and France is so unnatural, that I am satisfied, whenever you offer, with fincerity and cordiality, honourable terms, accompanied with the security America will expect, it will be diffolved. Your conduct hitherto has drawn cloter every tie between them. If you improve the late most glorious victory at Camden, to bring about this necessary peace with Ainerica, then will be the moment to rejoice, to join in thankfgiving for the salvation of Great Britain' as well as America.
Sir, I will not thank for victories, which only tend to protract a destructive war, I should rather have laid for tome
transitory, delusive gleams of success in this unjust, and providentially unfortunate American contest, this bellum fine hofte, as such a flate of arms was defined by the ancients. Not a single Frenchman or Spaniard in arms against us fell at this most glorious vi&ory at Camden, but Romanæ ni cont acies, Is it probable that this most glorious victory will lead to an honourable peace? If it does not, but is the cause of continuing the war, I Thall deem it a public calamity. Peace, peace with America, only can save this fioking ftare, and give us permanent prosperity. We are already nearly exhausted, yet continue bleeding at every vein. Peacc ought to be had on almost any terms; for from the estimates on our table, the expence of this, war, continued a few years longer, will bankrupt this nation; the population, commerce, and navigation of which are visibly decreasing. I consider peace as of absolute neceffity for ourselves, for the internal ftate and independence of our own ifland, in the present crisis of horror, and almost despair. I would subscribe to almoft any conditions to obtain it, because I believe the NorthAmericans would then readily quit an unnatural alliance, into which they have been driven by our more 'unnatural conduct. Necessity. brought forward the new idea, formed, figned, and has hitherto observed that ftrange treaty. . Ainerica, detached from her present connections, and in a real union of interests and strength with Great-Britain, is more than a match for the confederate House of Bourbon. Ja such a situation the Family Compact would not dare to be avowed. The laft war gives us the proof in point. We had then an able and enterprising Minifter, in full poffeffion of the most active genius and vigour of mind, feconded by the whole strength of the British nation and America, What is our present prospect? America is at this moment thrown into the scale of the House of Bourbon. Must it not then weigh us down? It surely, Sir, becomes Ministers to lay aside all passions and prejudices, and endeavour to heal this unhappy breach between two powerful friends, when every concession to America, either as a subject or an ally, may win her to us, restore the balance of power in our favour, and compensate the loss of all our other allies.
The independence, Sir, of the colonies has been frequently mentioned in this debate, but with a positive declaration that it is a point never to be conceded, Whether it is granted, or not, hy a British Parliament, de jure, feems to me of little moment and avail, It is merely an ainusing, curious theme of fpeculation ainong a set of idle, liftlefs, loiting, lounging, ill.informed gentlemen at Weftminfter, whojark the disorders of the state, to combat which they posle not vigour of mind or virtue. A country, much larger tha our European empire, which we still love to call our colies, does, and will, possess it de facto, notwithstanding a the present delufive assurances of Minifters within thete 'alls, notwithstanding the late exploits of a Cornwallis and lin. ton, no withstanding ail the former repeated victor's of Gage and the Howes. It is in this island only that prsons are found, who doubt that the present war will end i the acknowledging of American independence.
The hiftory of this war warrants me, Sir, in the fusscion that all these boasted successes do not tend to any real evolument to our country, to bring nearer the wished-for mment of a re-union, and fincere reconciliation with our alieated brethren in the colonies. After the evacuation of Baton, Rhode Island, and Philadelphia, for the acquisition of which no thanks, I believe, were given by this House, a ivall degree of fagacity might lead any man to suspect that he reduction of Charles-Town, by the army and navy voler the command of Sir Henry Clinton and Vice-Admiral Arbuthnot, and the late moft glorious victory obtained by Lord Cornwallis at Camden, will, in due time be followed by the evacuation of Charles-Town, and the two Carolinas. A future Gazette will probably announce it, to fcreen the generals, in the same terms as with respect to Philadelphia, and with as much cold indifference as any play, or farce at either of our theatres, by his Majesty's command.
Sir, I can never separate in my mind the rotten foundation on which the whole system of the American war is built, from some specious parts of it, by which the unthinking are at the first view allured and dazzled. As I reprobate the want of principle in its origin, I the more lament all the spirited exertions of valour, and the wisdom of conduct, which in a good cause I should warmly applaud. Thinking as I do, I see more matter of grief than of triumph, of bewailing than thanksgiving, in this civil contest, and the deluge of blood which has overflowed America. Would to God, Sir, we could leave persecuting, even to death, those of our own blood, who only desired to be received as friends and fellow-subjects, to share our fortunes, to fight our battles, as before, by our fide, and to enjoy at home peace, liberty, and safety. Public thanks from this House on the
present prefer occasion will only widen the breach, and demonstrate how r we are behind other nations in the knowledge of true polic: The wiseft and most polished nations of antiquity drew thick, dark veil over the horror of civil commotion and bodshed. I will admit for a moment, merely for the argurent, that all which has been urged by the noble Lord in the blue ribband, and the gentlemen on the other side of the bufe, is well founded, that the American war originareda justice and policy, and that the colonies have rebelled, ill I objcct to every motion like the present, becaufe ! wish ) hide the nation's scar, and to forget all deeds of va. lour, jot against the common enemy, but our fellow-fub. jects, whom I defire to save and conciliate. The Romans, undoptedly the firft people in the universe, granted no triumph for the victories of their generals in civil wars. They wifhd not to record and perpetuate, but to conceal and deliver to oblivion, the memory of Romans falling by the fwores of Romans. They thought it the direct effect of the vengeapce of the incensed gods. That example of enlightend polity will, I truft, be adopted hy the honourable gentlenan, who made the motion. I am lure that no man feels moe than he does for the present calamities of both countrie in this cruel, civil conteft. I know the humanity and tencernets of his nature, and thought it rather turprising that he hould chuse to bring himself into the unpleasing, aukward fituation of Burrus in Tacitus, et mocrens Burrus et laudans. Such a conflict of different passions is highly distressing. I will endeavour to extricate him by the most earneft fupplica. tion that he would withdraw a motion, from every part
of which I find it my duty to diffent, while I deeply lament that the lustre of fuch splendid victories is obscured and darkered by the want ot a good caule, without which no war, in the eye of truth and reason, before God or man, can be
justified. Lord Norrb. , Lord North regretted that he found himself obliged to de
viate fomewhat from his intentions, to say nothing concerning the justice or policy of the American war. The honourable gentleman over the way, had attempted to fully laurels which he had hoped would be above the power of detra&tion. . Lord Cornwallis was fighting, and fighting not against, but for his country. Nor had his conduct been in any degree inconfiftent. 'He had proteíted against carrying on coercive meatures against America, as long as he conceived the American's injured by such mealuses. But as toon as Great