Imatges de pÓgina


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Arr. at L. D. 1779. Wales, So. (18) Leo. Bel. Gwyn 40. 45. Aid 1776 14,160 00 Stafford, (19) James Bailey 35. 4s. Aid 1763

383 15

36. 45. Aid 1764 2,3,54 19 7 Hereford, (20) Tho. Lane

37. 45. Aid 1765

1,920 o 8 38. 45. Aid 1766 11,886 13 9 15. 3$. Aid 1967

8,121 12 Suffolk, Pt. (21) Miles Wallis 22. 3s. Aid 1775 19,230 18 2


Proceedings and Observations. (18) This receiver's estates are agreed to be made over to trustees, to receive the rents and profits thereof in satisfaction of the crown debi, or to sell the same, if it should be found neceffary. It is to be observed, that if these accounts were passed, there would be a dedu&tion of upwards of 6,000 l. paid to the militia.

(19) Several fums of money have been paid on this receiver's accounts: a decree of the court of Chancery was obtained for the sale of his eftates, under which they have been actually fold ; the money is

; ordered to be paid by the purchaser into the bank, with the privity of the accomptant general, and the crown is directed to be paid out of it.

(20) This receiver's estate was extended, and the court of Exchequer has appointed a receiver, who passes his accounts annually, and pays the balance into the Exchequer in diminution of this debt. It is to be observed, that if these accounts were passed, there would be a deduction of 8000l. paid to the militia.

(21) This receiver died insolvent; but his fureties have, fince his death, paid large sums of money, and, from the fufficiency of their property, we are confident the whole arrears will be paid by them. It is to be observed, that if these accounts were passed, there would be a dedu&tion of 2,968 1. is. 6d. for militia payments, surveyors' salaries, poundage and other articles.

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Aid 1777
Aid 1778
Aid 1771

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To front page 72, vol. xviii.

Taxes, Arrears at Lady Money in Re- Payment to the Money in the
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ceivers Hands. Milit.Pound, &c.
John Yeldham
4 Aid 1770

Richard Colchester

6,813 15 23

2,084 10 4

21 4,380 17 10

37,713 15 25

2,681 II 103 3,990 10 131,041 13 24
James Woodhouse

4,410 19 4

500 9 3,438 14

471 15 9
4 Aid 1778
16,410 19 4 841 3 84

15,172 14
George Pembrok

4 Aid 1777

876 0 4 Aid 1777 35,782

67 0 0 2,575

33,140 Huntingdon John Jackson

4. 1777 12,497

This Receiver returned no account: another person is
15,497 5

fince appointed
William Scott




9 7,804 3 91 4,878 i 62 28,370 II S Lancaster William Gregson

Aid 4

8 20,993 II 5


5 10 {

8,940 16 11 Leicester Rogers Ruding 4 Aid 1778 26,685 2 4 3.314 3 5

21,299 10 10 - vv savy" forcedevasti tarze, wenig F-9444*Yatfonlar eadwing watero pode2.061...,

from whence no returns have been made.

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Aid 1778

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The following speech not coming to hand time enough to be inserted

in its proper place, we must beg the reader would cancel Mr. De Grey's Speech in page 27 of this volume, and substitute the following authentic copy in its fead.

Mr. De Grey acquainted the House, that he had in his hand a motion for an humble address of the thanks

Mr.DeGrey, of this House to his Majesty, for his most gracious speech from the throne.

That before he touched upon the different topics which were contained in that speech, he should defire to propofe the congratulations of the House to his Majesty on the fafe delivery of the Queen, and on the birth of another prince. That he was so throughly convinced of the unanimous approbation such a clause would meet with, that he should trouble the House no longer upon that topic, than to observe how much satisfaction the nation received from the attention that their Majesties had given to the education of the royal offspring, and for their having considered them not only as their own children, but as those of the state; and that the refult of this attention was already fufficiently apparent, and he hoped would be universally acknowledged. That he was as free as any gentleman to confess that no parliament ever met at a more important moment than the present, and that the nation never watched with a more anxious eye the opinions and conduct of their representatives.

That occasions would present themselves hereafter for entering into debate upon the various matters which were the subject of his Majesty's speech ; that all we had now to do, was to profess our loyal attachment to his Majesty, and to assure him of such support as the difficulty and danger of the times might require. That those difficulties were the consequence of our former glories : that tho' our power and our commerce, great as it had been, had never been employed injuriously or contrary to the faith of treaties, yet it had created a degree of envy and resentment in our rivals, which they had thought this was a proper opportunity to make manifeft; and forry as he was to afcribe tuch motives to any nation, yet he was afraid the truth of the affertion was too glaring to be controverted.—That not contented with exercising her own force against us, she had called in Spain to her affiftance, and had seduced the unhappy Americans to exchange the protection of this country for VOL. XVIII,



that of a state whole principles and maxims of government and of religion, were in every instance contradictory to their own.

That it was now no question about independency and allegiance: Great Britain could not at this instant of time: give independence to America, nor could America reItore herself to Great Britain. - Whoever wished well either to Great Britain or America, must try to restore them to each other, as the sureft means of preserving both. That the House was no longer to be blinded by the specious parade of a treaty of commerce, for the obje& of hoftility was avowedly upon record : and France made no scruple of inviting Canada to withdraw her allegi. ance, and of promising the whole force of France to affift in accomplishing this object, as (in the words in which the declaration, lately published, fated it) a first condition of the alliance between France and America.

It was evident, said he, that if this was the actual situation of things, it could never remain as it then stood. You must push the war, or you must sue for peace; it would be ridiculous to sue for peace, without first having made vigorous preparations for war. If you did, what terms could you expect from an insolent and a haughty enemy? Would you make peace whilft America was left under the controul of a French army?-Would you agree to give up a share of your Newfoundland fisheries, and a monopoly of your trade to France ? And if you did, what would be the fate of your West-India islands, of your nursery for seamen, of your navy itself? And what would become of your extensive territories, and of your rich settlements in the East-Indies, which constituted so material a part of the empire of Great Britain ?-If no man born a Briton, and feeling the principles of affection to his country, which he truited were common to that audience, the alternative was obvious-you had no choice left-you must withstand the attack-you had hitherto withstood it under Providence, by the bravery and spirit of Sir George Rodney-by the vigilance of General Vaughan--by the gallant defence of General Prevost, who, in an open and defenceless country, had withstood the combined forces of France and America-by the gallant conduct of Sir Henry Clinton, which put us into possession of Charles Town, and the whole southern army under Mr. Lincoln-by the late


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