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did assure the honourable gentleman and the House, upon his honour, that he was not present at the drawing it up, and that it was publithed without either his consent or knowledge. Had he been at the committee when it was drawn up, he should undoubtedly have used all the persuasion that he was master of, to have prevented the committee from coming to or publishing any such resolution ; because though the resolution was evidently founded in zeal and affection to him, it was, in his opinion, an imprudent resolution, and this he could appeal to his honourable friend below him (Mr. Fitzpatrick] to vouch for having been the opinion he declared when he first saw it. He said, he had imagined fome persons would be induced to put the same construction on it, which the honourable gentleman had now put upon it. With regard to the ridicule the honourable gentleman had thought proper to throw upon the committee, and upon him, that was a matter of perfect indifference to him, and the more fo, because the gentlemen who formed that committee, were great and respectable characters, men who, he doubted not, had well weighed every word used in the resolution, confidered its import fully, and who were prepared to justify the advertisement and the resolution with their honours and their reputation. And after all-what was the resolution complained of with so much warmth by the honourable gentleman? a form of words evidently flowing from the good opinion and the affection the Westminfter committee entertained of him, but, which seriously and duly considered, conveyed no personal charge against any man, nor did they warrant any man's taking them up angrily or refentfully. Besides, in what way was the House to treat a matter introduced in the very extraordinary manner in which the honourable gentleman had thought proper to introduce the advertisement to which he was then speaking, --without making it the subject of any motion whatsoever. If the honourable gentleman really thought himself warranted to treat the resolations of the Westminster committee seriously, why did he not complain of the paper to the House as a breach of privilege? If the honourable gentleman thought proper to adopt that mode of proceeding, he was ready to meet it on that ground, and to defend the resolution. If the honourable gentleman chofe to make it the subject of another sort of procels elsewhere, and to charge it as a libel, he would find that the Westminster committee were ready to take it up when fo charged, and to defend the legality of their proceedings. The honourable gentleman had chosen to laugh at him, and to turn him into ridicule, under the character of Pififtratus-in what, he begged to know, had he ever shewn a de. fire to obtain illegal honours? In what had he attempted to set himself above the laws of his country, or to aim at receiving any other honours, than fuch honours as he was perfectly competent to receive? The honourable gentleman, after flourishing a great deal about his body-guard, and other matters of that sort, had talked of the Westminster committee's proceeding by and by to conftitute hím king of Westminster-The Westminfter committee, he would tell the honourable gentleman, as well as the whole body of inhabitants of that most respectable city, wished for no other king, than the king now upon the throne; they loved that king, and they revered the conftitution, by which he reigned, and it was out of a foolish partiality to him, and because they rashly, perhaps, thought him the best qualified to support that king and that constitution, to maintain the glory of the one, and preserve the other in safety, that they had chosen him their representative in Parliament, in the nobleft and most spirited manner, in dire& defiance of the avowed and unreservedly exercised influence of the crown. It was, perhaps, from a weak, and an ill-founded partiality of opinion in favour of his abilities, that the electors of the city of Westminster had done him that honour; all that he could do in return was to declare that his conduct should be an example of most sincere and perfect gratitude. It could not however surely be warrantably advanced, that from this circumstance he was imitating Pififtratus, or that he was endeavouring to obtain illegal honours! The electors of Westminster thought well of his efforts in that House, and this naturally shewed itself in acts of affection and regard to him. Loft almost as the public cause seemed to be, they were glad to find the representative for Westminster among the number of those true friends to liberty, who best served their country, and who were still determined to stand in the breach to relift the torrent of corruption and increasing influence, which threatened to bear down the conftitution, and to destroy it. In order to do this, he, and those with whom he acted, had facrificed their interests, they had facrificed their ambition, they had facrificed all views of greatness and emolument, they had facrificed every thing that could, gratify the mind of man, or fall within the wish of human pride, or human vanity. Let not gentlemen on the other side, on almost every one of


T E S. whom, places, pensions, titles, and rewards of every kind were profusely heaped ! then grudge either him or others the poor comfort of a little popular applause ! Let them not complain that the people held his humble efforts to serve his country in some degree of estimation ! and though they might in the warmth of their zeal and affection, use a few imprudent words, for such he granted those words were, which composed the resolution of the Westminster committee read to the House by the honourable gentleman, let it not be said, that he was borne off his legs by popular honours, or that he was frantic with popular applause. Had he been anxious to court those honours, and to obtain that applause, opportunities had offered, which he should not have neglected. In the

time of the tuinults, when the people were madly riotous, * had he uttered one word, or faid a syllable in support of the

proteftant association ? On the contrary, had he not opposed it firmly, and been among the first to reprobate and censure those lawless proceedings which began with insult to that and the other House of Parliament, and did not end till the public prisons, and private property to an immense amount, had been burnt and destroyed! Again, when a measure was in agitation within those walls, wliich was particularly the object of opposition from those very persons, whom it was at that time known, he wished should become his constituents, bad he with a view to court popular applause, meanly given up his opinion, and adopted that of those who had since chosen

him their representative ? On the other hand, was it not no* torious to every gentleman present, who had fat in the last

Parliament, that he stood up in his place, and firmly sup

ported the measure, declaring at the same time, that he trustfed, it would be a proof to the electors, that if they chose him

their representative, they would send to Parliament a member who at least was fincere, and who was at all times determined to speak his real sentiments.

After other instances adduced in proof, that the popular applause with which he had been honoured, was the voluntary gift of the people, and had not been fought after by him, either industriouflý or improperly, Mr. Fox took notice of the necessary freedom of debate, and said, that as it was the dearest and most inestimable privilege of a British senator, lo was it the last right that he would abandon or give up; and here he must obferve, that in his speech on the first day of the laft feffion, in his speech on the first day of the present sesfion, he had talked language, which however people might


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chuse to construe it, was not, he would at all times maintain, in the least personal to any man whatever. As long as he had the honour to fit in that House, he would exercise that inestimable privilege of speaking freely upon public matters, both as to the conduct of men in public situations and of measures any way connected with the public intereft. He had spoken freely hitherto, whenever he had taken the liberty to rise in that House, and in spite of every attempt to prevent him, of every sort that could be suggested, he would continue to use and support the freedom of debate. He thought it necessary to say thus much, and to say it in the moft express terms just then, because he foresaw, that in speaking to the subject which was presently to be taken into consideration, as the order of the day, when a supply for the support of the navy was to be proposed, he should have occafion to advert to the character of a person, who, if report was to be credited, and there could be found constituents sufficiently abandoned and lost to all sense of honour as to chuse him their representative, was shortly to come among them. That perfon had been convicted by one court martial of having preferred a false and malicious accusation against his superior officer, and he had been tried for his own conduct by another court martial, who had neither acquitted him honourably nor acquitted him unanimously. Those trials were matters of publick notoriety, and therefore they were the fit subjects for parliamentary allusion, and for free difcuffion within those walls ; to those trials he should have occasion to refer, in what he should have to say when the supply for the support of the navy came under debate, and as often as any matter relative to the navy was the topic of that House's consideration, so often should he most undoubtedly speak of those trials, and the person to whom they had relation, without reserve. Nor had that gentleman, or any other honourable gentleman, any right to complain of being personally insulted by what he should then say. If he were to prefer an indictment against any person accusing that person of a crime, none surely but the most wrong-headed man in the world would deem the hard words, which constitute the legal and technical phrases of the indictment, so many private affronts to him as a gentleman; the case was exactly the fame as to his treating upon any public topic in that House. He owned, he was a little aftonished to hear the honourable gentleman who spoke laft, congratulate him upon his having, in consequence of the Westminster committee's resolution, an exclusive privilege of



B A T E S. speaking personalities within those walls he had already faid, he never had spoken personalities—had he indulged himself with entering into a differtation on economy, and the well ordered arrangement of his private affairs, or talked of noble ancestry and noble vices, or alluded to his domestic virtues, and pointed all these things at any particular gentleman, he fhould have supposed, he might with reason have been accused of having dealt in personalities; but so long as he confined himself to public matters, and public matters only, he did not imagine the House would think that the character of being fond of personalities belonged exclusively to him.

After gently touching on his affair last session with Mr. Adam, declaring, it could never be alluded to without give ing that honourable gentleman and himself great pain, and after many other reinarks, ftruck out with all that wonderful quickness of conception, happy position, and force and poignancy of application, which generally diftinguish the speeches of this gentleman, he concluded with declaring, that he was ready to defend the resolution of the Westminster committee, though at the same time he was free to confess, that he thought it imprudently drawn up, and that it contained words which had better not have been used on the occasion.

Mr. Adam rose to explain. He stated, in antwer to what Mr. Adom, Mr. Fox had faid of the resolutions not being personal to him [Mr. Adam) the following words of the last of thote rea solutions :

“ Resolved, That this committee, being fenfible, thac the firm, conftant, and intrepid performance of his duty will probably render him, in common with other diftinguished friends of liberty, the object of such attacks as he has already experienced, and to which every unprincipled partizan of power is invited by the certainty of reward."

He then added that every person, conjunctively and severally of that committee, who approved of those words, wa an infamous and base traducer of his character.

The Hon. Mr. Fitzpatrick rose to corroborate and confirm Hon. Mr. what his honourable friend [Mr. Fox] had said, relative to Fitzpatrick. his not being present when the Westminster committee came to the resolution which had been so warmly complained of faid he had the honour to belong to that committee, and a very great honour he thought it, because he was convinced there were among the members of it, some of the firft and most respectable characters in the kingdom; men as well read in the history of the British constitution, and as zealously VOL. XVIII.



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