this and other terms to express the idea in question will be noticed. The history of the process whereby the actual Canons of the Jewish and the Christian Scriptures were arrived at will be more fully traced under the heads OLD TESTAMENT CANON and NEW TESTAMENT Canon. The conception of a C. virtually existed long before this precise term was employed. We have it wherever there is the notion of a collection of writings marked off as peculiarly sacred and as having a special Divine authority. Writings of the past would be likely for the first time fully to acquire this position when an age had come in which the living voice of prophecy was no longer heard. This view of them would not preclude the possibility of an addition to the number of inspired books at a future epoch of revelation. It is also to be observed, though to some this may at first sight seem strange, that a belief in a distinct class of writings of this kind was not incompatible with some diversity of opinion as to its extent, and with doubts on this subject in the minds even of those who were fully persuaded of the main facts. And this is true even of the time after the word C. was introduced. The idea of a C. no doubt gained to some degree in definiteness through controversies as to the writings which were to be held to form part of it. But in essence it was presupposed in those controversies; and their chief result was simply to fix more clearly and firmly the limits of the Canon. There was no exact equivalent for the word mong the Jews in respect to OT, but we have the idea clearly implied in the expression the Scriptures' as employed by Jews addressing Jews in NT (e.g. Mt 212, Jn 5, Ac 1824); and the word 'Scripture,' as used in the singular for a particular passage, also involves it, since each passage so named derived the binding force which is attributed to it from being contained in the body of sacred writings. So again, where Jos. (c. Ap. i. 8) makes a formal statement concerning these books and their number, the recognition of a C. is implied. And we have it also_in_the_collective words used in the Talm. for the Divine Scriptures, such as 7 ('reading,' from their being read publicly in the synagogue) and (the holy writings'). The Christian Church adopted the Scriptures of the Jews as her own. She also in process of time extended the idea of 'Scripture' to another body of writings, which in one or more groups were named along with those of OT. Pseudo-Clement of Rome's 2nd Ep. (c. A.D. 150) speaks of rà Bißia kal oi ámóσтolo (i.e. the OT and the apostolic writings). Fresh names, also, were introduced expressive of the fact that she possessed two such collections, or such a collection in two parts. Melito, bp. of Sardis, circ. A.D. 170, speaks of rà Tns #aλaiâs dialńкns ßißλía (ap. Euseb. HE iv. 26), the books of the Old Covenant' (or Testament). And we have evidence about the end of the same cent., in the writings of Clement of Alexandria and Tertullian, that the names waλaià diabńкn (vetus testamentum) and véa diaľýên (novum testamentum), the names that have become the most prevalent of all, had been transferred to the actual writings of the two dispensations. Tertullian himself preferred (see c. Marc. iv. 1) the term Instrumentum (of legal associations='docunientary record or proof'). He frequently employs it, applying it sometimes to particular books, and sometimes separately to OT or to NT, but also to the Scriptures as a whole. From diabńкn the adj. évôtálŋkos was formed; it occurs repeatedly in the writings of Origen and Eusebius, in a sense closely corresponding to 'canonical' (e.g. Philocal., iii. and Euseb. HE iii. cc. 3, 9, 25, vi. c. 14). Another description, δεδημοσιευμέναι γραφαί, ‘writ· ings which have been made public,' used by Origen and others, needs somewhat fuller consideration. A certain vagueness attaches to it owing to the fact that these writings are contrasted with such as are 'apocryphal'; and while this word is common in the Fathers of the 2nd and 3rd cent., it does not seem ever to occur at this time with the precise connotation which it has since acquired. The original and fundamental signification of apocryphal' was that of something withheld from general knowledge. But there might be various reasons for so treating different writings. There were some among the Jews, as there were also some Christians, esp. in the Church of Alexandria, who were inclined to value highly lore which they considered to be unfit to be communicated even to all the faithful, and suited only for the study of the wise. But this tendency was never strong enough either among Jews or Christians to lead to the establishment of a class of writings regarded as authoritative and yet not imparted to all; and the spirit of Christianity in particular was wholly opposed to such reservation. All writings regarded as inspired were naturally included among the dedŋuootevμévai-those made the public property of the whole Church.' We have still, however, to ask what was meant by and implied in this publication,' and, as a further point, whether it could really serve to mark off the writings regarded as, in the full sense, authoritative from all others. The chief means of the publishing in question was the regular reading in the congregation. And no doubt this solemn reading served to impress upon the people generally the idea of the special authority of the books which they heard in this way; while the need of a rule for directing it may have been one influence which promoted the formation of the C. of OT, as it was certainly of NT. But it seems too narrow a view of the words onμorieveσbai, or publicari, to regard them (as Zahn does, Gesch. d. Kanons, i. p. 134) as meaning little or nothing more than to be read in church. If the publication connoted by these terms was closely associated with the public reading, it was so because that act was the chief symbol of the general reception and acknowledgment of the books by the Church, which had been informally arrived at, and which found expression in various habits of speech and practice. It must, however, further be observed that the fact of particular books being publicly read would seem to be often too inconsiderately taken as evidence that they were regarded as Scripture in the full sense of the term. It is not to be supposed that the public reading would necessarily be regarded as having the same significance, or that the rules for it would be conceived in the same spirit, everywhere and always. There might be, and in point of fact there were, varieties of custom acc. to differences of circumstances and of theological temper. At some times and places there would be comparative laxity, at others special strictness. The Muratorian C. (circ. A.D. 200, written at Rome or in the neighbourhood) reveals a disposition to exclude from public reading all works of secondary or doubtful authority. This might be due to the special genius of the Rom. Church, or to a sense of the need of watchfulness which the recent spread of Gnosticism and Montanism and the circulation of the writings of these sects had created. On the other hand, at the very same epoch, we find Serapion, bp. of Antioch, first allowing the public reading of the Gospel of Peter at a place within his diocese, though he knew very little of the work and held it in no particular esteem, and then afterwards forbidding it, when he became more fully acquainted with its contents, and found that it was doing harm (Euseb. HE vi. 12). Again, to pass to a later age. With Cyril of Jerus. in his catechetical lectures, delivered circ. A.D. 340, the class of books openly read in the church' is coterminous with that of those acknowledged among all,' and is the opposite of apocryphal'; and he knows no third division (Catech. iv. cc. 33, 35). Athanasius, on the other hand, writing not long afterwards, but representing the usages of another Church, distinguishes between 'canonical books,' books that are read,' and 'apocryphal books' (Ep. Fest. 39, i. 768, ed. Bened.). And Rufinus at the end of the cent. distinguishes in the same way, and gives the name of Church books,' Ecclesiastici libri, to the second class (De Symb. cc. 37, 38). For further illustrations of some of the points here touched upon, and for the considerations which determined the inclusion or exclusion of particular books, or groups of books, the_reader must consult the arts. APOCRYPHA, OLD TESTA· MENT CANON, and NEW TESTAment Canon. V. H. STANTON. CANOPY (xwvwπeîov, from κúvw↓ (Mt 23*), gnat, mosquito). The Originally a mosquito net. canopy of the bed of Holofernes, which was of purple, and gold, and emerald, and precious stones inwoven,' was taken by Judith 'from the pillars' as a trophy, and given by her for a gift (ávábnua) unto the Lord (Jth 1021 139. 15 1619). Canopy' occurs also in RV at Is 45 Over all the glory shall be spread a canopy' (AV 'defence'). The Heb. is protection; elsewhere it means a bridegroom's (P's 195) or a bride's (Jl 216) chamber. F. C. PORTER. CANTICLES.-See SONG Of Songs. ་ CAPER-BERRY (пg 'ăbiyyinah, κáжwаρis, Ec 125). The authority of the LXX and of some of the Rabbis is in favour of the tr. caper-berry' RV, instead of 'desire' AV.-This is the fruit of Capparis spinosa, L., a perennial shrub, rooted in the clefts of rocks and walls, with straggling, more or less pendulous, branches, and orbicular to ovate leaves, 1 to 2 inches in length, and white flowers 2 to 3 inches broad. It grows in all the Mediterranean basin. The ripe berry is oblong to obovate-oblong, and 2 to 2 inches long. The young berries have a pungent flavour, and are pickled as a condiment. The Arabs of the Sin. desert call it el-asaf, while the people of Pal. and Syria know it by the name kabar, which is manifestly a modification of KáжTapis. Like all pungent plants, it is stimulating to the erotic instinct. The idea of those who tr. abiyyinah caper-berry' is that even this stimulant shall fail to excite desire. The principal Rabbi of Beirût assures me that the tr. of AV desire' is that of the majority of the Jewish commentators. In either case the object is the same, that is, to express the decadence of the bodily powers with the advance of years. We shall now be in a position to estimate rightly the amount of significance to be attached to, which here only has the sense of a canopy for the introduction of the words Canon, canonical, and canonised with reference to the books of Scripture; but we must first determine which of them was so used earliest, and when? Some have supposed that the employment of the adjective in this connexion preceded that of the substantive, and that it is to be traced back to Origen, on the ground that the epithets canonici and regulares are applied to the books of Scripture in portions of his works which we possess only in Rufinus' tr. No reliance can, however, be placed upon this argument, since these would be the most convenient renderings for such a word as võiάoŋkoι, which, as we have seen, certainly belonged to Origen's terminology. Moreover, Rufinus renders this very word in passages of Eusebius, where we have both the original and his translation. The earliest instance which can be adduced of the occurrence of either kavov or a derivative in the sense now under consideration is in the Festal Epistle of Athanasius above referred to, written in A.D. 367. The participle kavovóueva is there used of the books of Holy Scripture. It seems, however, improbable that the verb kavoviše, or its parts, should have been so applied before the term kavov had been used of the books collectively. And a little later Amphilochius, the eminent bishop of Iconium, concludes a catalogue of them, which he gives in his lambi ad Seleucum with the words ouros ἀψευδέστατος Κανὼν ἂν εἴη τῶν θεοπνεύστων γραφῶν. The word, which originally meant a rod, and thence a measure, had been already applied in the sense of a rule or norm, and that variously, both in classical and ecclesiastical usage. It will suffice here to notice the phrase ỏ kavov Ts ȧλnocías, for the Church's creed, which had long been familiar. It has been questioned whether, when the word Kav was first used in connexion with the Scriptures, the primary intention was to express the thought that they form the rule of faith and life for the Christian, or to denote the list whereby the contents of the Scriptures is correctly defined. The latter seems to be the true view. It is the simplest; and, moreover, it would be hard other wise to explain the use of the verb kavovičev, which is applied both to particular books and to the books collectively. The other idea would, however, also be readily suggested to the mind by the associations of the word kavv. And accordingly we find Isidore of Pelusium, in the earlier half of the 5th cent., expressing himself thus: the Canon of the truth, I mean the Divine Scriptures' (Ep. 114). It will be perceived, then, that no essentially new point of view was implied in the use of the term Canon and its derivatives in connexion with Holy Scripture. At the same time it is noteworthy that they began to be employed at a time when special efforts were being made in different quarters to remove ambiguities with respect to, and to codify, the contents of the Scriptures. G. E. POST. CAPERNAUM (TR Kажeрvaovu, from which our English word is taken; but Kapapraovμ, supported by BRDZ, etc., is undoubtedly correct, representing the original on).-This city is mentioned only in the Gospels, and derives all its interest from association with the life of Christ. To it Matthew applies Is 91 (Mt 413-16). After His rejection at Nazareth, Christ made His headquarters in C., and it is called his own city' (Mt 91). Here only was it said of Him örɩ év oškų EoTiv-that He was at home (Mk 21). Peter and Andrew of Bethsaida (Jn 14) had settled in C. (Mk 129), and on the neighbouring beach they first heard and followed the Master (Mk 116). Matthew (Mt 99), or Levi (Mk 214, Lk 5), was here called from the place of toll.' Many miracles were wrought here (Mk 134). The following are specially mentioned, viz. healing centurion's servant (Mt 85, Lk 71); nobleman's son cured by a word from Cana (Jn 4); Simon Peter's mother-in-law cured of fever (Mk 13); paralytic healed (Mt 91, Mk 21, Lk 518); unclean spirit cast out (Mk 123, Lk 43). Here the lesson of humility was taught from a little child set in the midst (Mt 182, Mk 955.36). A famous discourse in the synagogue is reported in Jn 6. Over C., highly favoured but unrepentant, the heavy woe was pronounced, 'And thou Capernaum, shalt thou be exalted unto heaven thou shalt go down to Hades' (Mt 1123, Lk 1013 RV). C., invariably called ros, a city,' was important position, held by a body of Roman an troops (Mt 8 etc.). It was also a customs-station (Mt 99 etc.). The commander of the soldiers thought it worth while to ingratiate himself with the people by building them a synagogue (Lk 75). It was the residence of a distinguished officer of the king (Jn 446). But beyond the facts that it was on the seashore (Mt 4), and was in or near the plain of Gennesaret (Jn 617-21; see also Mk 653, Mt 1434), there is nothing in the NT to indicate the site. Twice mentioned by Josephus (Vita, 72, BJ II. x. 8), neither passage is decisive. Tradition wavers between two sites, and a warm controversy has long raged over the question. The claims of 'Ain em-Madowwerah, 'the round fountain,' a large spring on the N. edge of Gennesaret, may be dismissed. There is nothing near it to indicate the site of a great city; and it waters only a small portion of the plain. The two serious rivals are Khân Minych, at the N.E. corner of the plain, and Tell Húm, on the shore, fully 2 miles nearer Jordan. The case for Tell Húm rests chiefly upon the name, the size of the ruins, their position on the eastward road, and the testimony of certain travellers. It is suggested that the Arab. Tell took the place of Caphar when the city became ruinous, na falling from Nahum. This is an almost impossible derivation. A Jewish Rabbi, Tankhum, is said to be buried here. The derivation from his name is both easy and natural. An alternative derivation is suggested from the Heb. an='brown' or 'fireblackened,' of which Arab. Húm is an exact transliteration. Then Tell Hum-'the black mound,' truly descriptive of the ruins, could only da ce from a time subsequent to the destruction of the city. Along this road only the eastern traffic would pass. The northern caravans never came this way. Jerome, Theodorus (532 A.D.), Antoninus Martyr (?), A.D. 600, and John of Würtzburg (1100), may be taken as favouring Tell Hûm. Josephus, hurt on the Jordan, was carried to C.; but this was not necessarily the nearest town. He was evidently anxious to reach his headquarters at Tarichea (Vita, 72). It is much against Tell Húm that there is no fountain there; and nothing like that described by Josephus within about a couple of miles. ་ On the other hand, there are many considerations in favour of Khân Minych. Gennesaret was a well-defined district, generally allowed to correspond with el Ghuweir, the little Ghôr,' lying along the N.W. shore of the sea (see Jos. BJ III. x. 8). The disciples started from the other side to go to C. (Jn 617). The waters being stilled, they were straightway at the land whither they were going' (ib. v.2). Matthew (143) says they came to the land, unto Gennesaret.' (So also Mk 653.) Those who sought Jesus in the morning found Him at C. (Jn 64), and He addressed them in the_synagogue. C. was thus either in or close to Gennesaret. This condition is met by Khan Minyeh; not at all by Tell Hum. Remains of an ancient city are found in the plain between Khan Minyeh and the sea; also on the adjoining Tell 'Areimeh, where probably a large church once stood. Standing at the junction of the two great roads which must always have united behind Tell 'Areimeh, that to eastward along the shore, and that to the north by Khân Jubb Yusif, it occupied a position of first importance in the district. All the traffic from north, south, east, and west passed through the hands of its customs officers. The spring of which Josephus speaks (BJ II. x. 8) may not have been actually in the plain. Certainly it was not 'Ain et-Tineh. At et Tabigha (Heptapegon?), on the edge of the valley beyond Tell Areimeh, rise several springs, one of great volume, the largest fountain in Galilee. An old aqueduct led the water across the vale, along the face of the cliff in a rock-cut channel, and into the plain at Minyeh sufficiently high to water a large area. Historical evidence is on the whole favourable to Khan Minych. Antoninus Martyr (600) is claimed on both sides; but the latter site is supported by Arculfus, end of 7th cent.; St. Willibald, middle of 8th cent.; Eugesippus, middle of 12th cent.; Brocardius, end of 13th cent.; Quaresimus, 1620, who says that a ruin, called in Arab. Minich, is the site of Capernaum. The absence of any reminiscence of the ancient name is a difficulty with some. But from the Talm. we learn that C. was, for the Jews, associated with the Minim, the name by which they desig nated the Christians, who were numerous in the city. The Húta of the Talm., the sinners,' are the sons of Caphar Nahum, and again these are identified with the Minim. Among the Jews, C. was the city of Menai down to the 14th cent. The name given to the inhabitants is probably preserved in Khân Minych. The balance of evidence is at present greatly in favour of this site. W. EWING. CAPH or KAPH ().-Eleventh letter of Heb. alphabet, and as such used in the 119th Psalm to designate the 11th part, each verse of which begins with this letter. CAPHARSALAMA (Xapapoaλaμá), 1 Mac 7.— Apparently near Jerus. Kefr Silwan, the village of Siloam, is possibly intended. SWP, vol. iii. sh. xvii. CAPHIRA (A Kapipd, В Пeipá), 1 Es 519.-A town of Benj., inhabitants of which returned with Zerub. In Ezr 2 CHEPHIRAH (779, B Kapeipά, A --); cf. Neh 729. See CHEPHIRAH. CAPHTOR (ED, DE, Xap0opieiu, Caphtorim). -The_Caphtorim were geographically connected with Egypt according to Gn 10; and in Dt 223 we read: The Avvim, which dwelt in villages as far as Gaza, the Caphtorim, which came forth out of Caphtor, destroyed them, and dwelt in their stead." Here the Caphtorim are identified with the Philistines, who are stated to have come from Caphtor in Am 97 and Jer 474 (where Caphtor is called an 'isle' or 'coastland'). Consequently in Gn 1014 the words, whence went forth the Philistines,' must be out of place, and should follow Caphtorim instead of Casluhim. Caphtor has been identified with both Cyprus and Crete, but the names do not agree. Ebers (Egypten und die Bucher Moses, 1868) proposed to see in Caphtor an Egyp compound Kaft-ur, 'Greater Kaft' or 'Phoenicia,' and made it the coast of the Delta, which was thickly covered with Phoenician colonies. But this theory has been overthrown by the excavation of the temple of Kom Ombo in Upper Egypt in 1892. On the wall of the south external corridor is a series of cartouches containing the names of the countries supposed to have been conquered by Ptolemy Auletes and collected from older monuments of various ages. Among the names are those of Kaptar (Caplitor) and Kasluhet (Casluhim), each with the determinative of 'country' attached to it. Kaptar ends the first line, and is immediately preceded by the names of Persia, Susa, Babylon, and Pontus, while Kasluhet (followed by Zoar) is the fifth name of the second line, which begins with the inhabitants of the Sinaitic peninsula and northern Syria. The names, however, have probably been registered at haphazard, so that no conclusion can be drawn from their order. The Philistines seem to have entered Palestine in the course of the great invasion of Egypt by the northern nations in the eighth year of Ramses III. Prof. Prášek combines this fact with the statement of Justin, that in B.C. 1209 a king of Ashkelon stormed Sidon, and that the fugitive Sidonians founded Tyre. The dates would agree very well. At any rate, the Pulista or Philistines are closely associated with the Zakkal (Teukrians?) in the attack on Egypt in the time of Ramses III., whereas the latter appear alone in an earlier attack in the time of Merenptah. From 1 S 301, Ezk 2516, Zeph 25, we may gather that the Philistines were also known as the Cherethites or Cretans, as the Sept. transcribes the name. In this case Caphtor must be identified with Crete, or at all events with some district in that island. Recent discoveries have shown that Crete was a centre of culture in the prehistoric age of the eastern Mediterranean, and Mr. A. Evans has pointed out that it possessed a peculiar system of pictorial writing (see his article on Primitive Pictographs' in the Journal of Hellenic Studies, xiv. 1894). A. H. SAYCE. the king (1 S 916-RV prince or leader, LXX &pxwv); the same Heb. word is used also of the leader of the house of Aaron' (1 Ch 1227), and of the rulers of the house of God' (2 Ch 358 etc.). See below. (3) , literally head, Nu 14' etc., LXX ȧpxṇyós. (4), literally lifted up, Nu 23 etc., RV prince, LXX &pxwv. (5), literally one who decides, Jg 11a etc., RV chief (except Dn 1118), LXX ȧpxnyós or ἡγούμενος. (6), RV marshal, Jer 512, Nah 3. (7), usually of the governor of a territory, 2 K 1824, Hag 11 etc. (8) 21(1), only in later Heb., e.g 2 K 258. (9) >, baal,master,' Jer 3713, captain of the ward. (10) Ex 147, 2K 9 etc., probably knight or equerry, LXX Tpioтárns. The other three words are (in AV) mistranslated captain, 2 K 114. 1o, Jer 132, Ezk 2122 (177, 78, 77, respectively). 19 II. Captain represents three words in the NT (1) xiλiapxos-used vaguely of a military officer, and technically as the equivalent of the Roman 'præfectus' or 'tribunus militum.' One such officer was regularly in charge of the Roman garri. son at Jerusalem, which probably consisted of a CAPPADOCIA (Kажяadoкla), a large country in cohort of auxiliaries, about 1000 men in all. The the E. of Asia Minor, was formed into a Rom. commander would be a Roman citizen (Ac 2228), the province by Tiberius in A.D. 17, on the death of soldiers provincials (not Jews, but many of them king Archelaus. It was administered by a pro- Samaritans), who would receive the franchise on curator, sent out by the reigning emperor; and it discharge. Whether the word has the technical or was treated as an unimportant outlying district. the vaguer sense in Jn 1812 is not clear. (2) σтраIn A.D. 70, however, Vespasian united it with rnyós-used in Lk 22.52 and Ac 41 524. 26 of the Armenia Minor as one of the great frontier pro- captain of the Temple, together with his chief vinces of the empire, placing it under the rule of a subordinates, who are perhaps the same as the legatus Augusti pro prætore, who was selected by three 'keepers of the threshold' (2 K 2518, Jer 35*, the emperor from among the ex-consuls; and he and see Josephus, Ant. x. viii. 5). This captain stationed a legion (XII. Fulminata) at Melitene as (T, see (2) above) is mentioned Jer 201 (LXX garrison to maintain the defence of the Euphrates youμevos) and Neh 11", and is called in 2 Mac 34 line. At this period a great territory, ruled by TроσTάTηS TOû lepoû, and in Josephus (Ant. XX. vi. 2, Antiochus Epiphanes of Commagene, lying be- etc.) σтparηybs. Probably he and his chief subtween the provinces Cilicia and Cappadocia, and ordinates are indicated by the term 'rulers' in including part of Lycaonia, was incorporated in Ezr 92 and often in Neh (0330, LXX σтpanyol or C.; and under succeeding emperors, especially aрxovтes): see Schürer, HJP 11. i. 258. The captain Trajan, the size and importance of the province was at least a Levite, and commanded a small were greatly increased, and more troops were body of police, probably themselves priests; and stationed in it. The commercial capital of the he had the duty of keeping order in the Temple, province was Cæsareia - Eusebeia Mazaka; the and watching there by night. (3) ȧpxnyós—He 21o military centres were Melitene and (after Trajan)-probably to be understood rather as author and Satala. Between about A.D. 76 and 106, both beginner than as commander in a fight (cf. Ac 313 Galatia and C. were placed under one gover- 531, He 122). nor. Jews in C. are mentioned in Ac 29, and implied in Philo, Leg. ad Gaium, § 36 (Mang. ii. | 587): a letter in their favour from the Rom. Senate to Ariarathes, king of C., about B.C. 139, is mentioned 1 Mac 1522: in the 3rd cent. after Christ and later, a great Jewish population in Cæsareia is alluded to in the Talmud. The easy road from Tarsus through the Cilician Gates tempted them onwards towards the N., to take advantage of the lucrative trade between Central Asia and the Black Sea harbours, esp. Amisus: the road passed through C. and Pontus (Ac 182). This trading connexion led to the early extension of Christianity over both countries (1 P 11). LITERATURE.-Marquardt, Römische Staatsverwaltung, i. pp. 365-374; Ritter, Kleinasien, i. pp. 236–339, ii. 236-272; Ramsay, Hist. Geog. of Asia Minor, pp. 267-319, 346-356, 449 f., and the map in St. Paul the Trav. for provincial divisions; Neubauer, Géog. du Talmud; Th. Reinach, Numism. des Rois de Capp. W. M. RAMSAY. The captain of the guard (σTраTоedápxns, Ac 2816 TR and AV) would, perhaps, be the princeps castrorum peregrinorum'; it would hardly mean the 'præfectus prætorio,' whose title is never so rendered in Greek. But the sentence is omitted by RV following the best authorities: it is, however, an ancient 'Western reading,' and possibly records a real tradition. (See Momnisen in Sitzungsb. d. kgl. preuss. Akad. d. Wissensch., phil.hist. Classe, 1895, p. 495, and art. PRÆTORIUM.) W. O. BURROWS. CAPTIVITY.-See ISRAEL. CARABASION (Β Καραβασειών, Α -σιών), 1 Es 95. -A corrupt name of one of those who put away their 'strange' wives. It seems to correspond to MEREMOTH in Ezr 1036. The conjecture that it should be read κal 'Paßariov is not supported (as is stated in Speaker's Comm.) by the Vat. text. H. ST. J. THACKERAY. CAPTAIN.-I. IN THE OLD TESTAMENT.-The CARAVAN, not used in AV, is given by RV in Job AV translates no fewer than 13 different Heb. 618. 19 (niny cst.) for AV 'paths,' 'troops'; in Is 2113 words by captain,' and many of these words have (ptcp. of ) for AV travelling companies'; and other renderings as well. The RV has scarcely in Ezk 2725 The ships of Tarshish were thy caraintroduced much greater consistency. (1), often vans for thy merchandise,' for AV The ships of translated prince,' used especially of captains of Tarshish did sing of thee in thy market,' taking thousands' (xiiapxos), etc., and of the captain of from to travel (after Gesen.) not ý to sing the host' (apxтpárnyos). For the 'captain of the host of the LORD' (Jos 514. 15), and for Michael your prince' (also Dn 1021 etc.), see under GOD and ANGEL. (2) ↑‡, the foremost officer, used of But Davidson doubts: The camel has been called the ship of the desert, but conversely to call an east-indiaman a caravan is too brilliant for the prophet.' See liis note. In older Eng, however, the word might have been applicable without CARBUNCLE.-See STONES, PRECIOUS. CARCAS (7, Est 110), one of the seven eunuchs or chamberlains of king Ahasuerus. An etymology suggested is the Persian kargas, 'vulture.' The LXX gives a different name. gamis) of the land of Hatte (Kheta or Hit) in a single day.' There is no record, however, that the fortress was taken on this occasion. The ruler of Carchemish about B.C. 880 was Sangara, who paid a large amount of tribute, chiefly in manufactured things, such as furniture and woven stuffs, also metal, to Assur-nazir-pal, king of Assyria. Sangara afterwards came into conflict with Shalmaneser II., son of Aššur- nazir - pal, about B.C. 858, and the Assyrian king says that he captured Sangara's cities, receiving from the latter, when he submitted, 2 talents of gold, 70 talents of silver, 30 talents of copper, 100 talents of iron, 20 talents of purple cloth, 500 weapons, CARCASE (the spelling has been indifferently his daughter with a dowry, 100 daughters of the carcase or carcass throughout, though dictionaries great men of the place, 500 oxen, and 5000 sheep, have given carcass alone, or by preference since and fixed as his (yearly) tribute 1 maneh of gold, Johnson) is used now only of the dead body of a 1 talent of silver, and 2 talents of purple cloth, beast, or contemptuously of a human being, but one payment of which is duly recorded as having was formerly used freely of either. The Heb. taken place. The large amount of the war inwords are various: (1) an gěviyyah (used of living demnity and the tribute testify to the prosperity body also) is so tr. only Jg 148.9 of the c. of and commercial importance of the city. On the Samison's lion (RV 'body'), which is also (148) bronze gates found by H. Rassam at Balawat called (2) np mappeleth (fr. ↳ to fall, as rua the reception of tribute by Shalmaneser II. is fr. TinTew, cadaver fr. cadere), which has this twice represented, and in each case a picture in meaning only here; elsewhere fall' Pr 2916, Ezk| relief of the fortress is given. The city was finally 2615.18 3116 3210, or,' ruin' Ezk 27 313 [all]. (3) taken by Sargon of Assyria in B.C. 717, when peger; and (4) něbhélah are often tr. 'car- Pisiri or Pisiris, its last king, was made prisoner. case. Both are also applied to the trunk of an From this time it formed part of the Assyrian idol, peger Lv 2630 I will cast your carcases upon empire, and was administered by an Assyrian the carcases of your idols'; něbhelah Jer 1618 governor.* Its importance as a trading centre 'they have filled mine inheritance with the carcases continued under its new rulers, the maneh of of their detestable things.' Both words are used Carchemish' being one of the standard weights in in Heb. of dead bodies only, so that the tr. 'dead use at Nineveh. Later notices of the city occur carcase' of Dt 148, Ezk 65, is as needless for the in the Bible itself, when Pharaoh-Necho defeated Heb. as in the Eng.; RV omits 'dead.' Josiah in the battle in which the Jewish king lost his life (2 Ch 350), and was himself defeated by Nebuchadrezzar, four years later (B.C. 605), under the walls of the city (Jer 46), in the battle which decided the fate of Western Asia. The patron deity of the city was the Asiatic goddess worshipped under the name of Atargatis, whose worship, when the city fell into decay, was transferred to the city now represented by Membij, which became the new Hierapolis, and continued in existence after the old city of Carchemish was deserted. The meaning of the name is unknown. In Bel 2 in the den there were seven lions, and they had given them every day two carcases and two sheep (so RV, AVm slaves,' Gr. σwuara, lit. 'bodies,' used of 'servants,' i.e. slaves, To 101). In NT carcase' occurs Mt 2428 wheresoever the c. is, there will the eagles be gathered together' (77μa, as in Wis 418); and He 317 whose carcases fell in the wilderness' (wλov, lit. limbs,' the LXX tr. of in Nu 14. 32 where the language is nearly identical). J. HASTINGS. T. G. PINCHES. CARE.-The proper meaning of this word, and of all its compounds (of which there occur in AV careful,' carefully,' carefulness,' 'careless,' carelessly') is trouble or sorrow. But from a very early period it was confounded with Lat. cura (with which it has no connexion, being a purely Teutonic word), and the meaning of cura, viz. attention to something or somebody, became attached to it. This affected even the original word, so that care in the sense of sorrow became anxiety, as if due to over-attention; while the compounds have now actually dropped their original meaning, and adopted that of cura wholly. But throughout the history of the word, and esp. in AV, we can trace the two senses side by side. CARCHEMISH (7; omitted in the LXX at 2 Ch 350, but at Jer 26 [Heb 46] Xapueis [Q, Kapxapucis]; Vulg. Charcamis). There have been various conjectures as to the site of this city, which was finally correctly located by Messrs. Skene and Geo. Smith, by means of the Assyrian inscriptions. Carchemish is at present represented by the mounds of Jerablûs (Smith, Yaraboloos) or Hierapolis, on the western bank of the Euphrates, described by Smith as a grand site, with vast walls and palace-mounds 8000 ft. round, and containing numerous sculptures and monoliths with inscriptions, many of which are now in the British Museum. Pococke says that the ruins are rectangular, and measure mile long by mile wide. The mounds lie between Birejik and the junction of the Sajur and the Euphrates. Carchemish, the 1. Care is both subst. and verb. As subst. (1) chief city of the Hittites, was called Karkamis by Anxiety (Gr. μépiuva): Mt 132, the care of this the Babylonians, Gargamis and Kargamis by the world, and the deceitfulness of riches, choke the Assyrians, and Karikamai(?)ša or Karakamiša by word'; so Mk 419, Lk 814 2134cares of this life,' the Egyptians, and the city was known-perhaps 2 Co 11the care of all the churches' (RV renowned as a trading centre as early as the 3rd anxiety for '), 1 P 57 Casting all your care upon millennium B.C. Amen-em-hebe, one of the cap- him' (RV anxiety '), 1 Mac 610 my heart faileth tains of Tabutmes III. (c. B. C. 1600), refers to his cam- for very care.' In OT, 1 S 102 thy father hath paign against the people of Karikamai(?)ša, where left the care of the asses (i.e. concern about, he took prisoners; † and about B.C. 1200 Tiglath-, lit. "the matters of the asses "), and sorroweth pileser I. of Assyria plundered the land of the for you,' Ezk 416 they shall eat bread by weight, neighbourhood of Suhi as far as Carchemish (Kar- and with care' (7, RV 'carefulness'). (2) Attention (esp. earnest attention, the original Before the reign of the Bab. king Ammi-zaduga, c. 2100 r.c. W. Max Müller, Asien und Europa nach altägyptischen meaning of the word in turn affecting this Dokmälern, Leipzig, 1893. VOL. 1.-23 The name of the governor in B.C. 691 or 692 was Bêl-emurăni. |
