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362 Intelligence.-Debate in the House of Commons on the French Protestants.

excusable, having burst on the heads of the disaffected; but, illegal as it was, he adds, it was not stained by plunder, and popular indignation had not been disgraced by robbery. The Honourable Gentleman then proceeded to advert to the opening of the Protestant churches at Nismes, on the 12th of November, when General Legarde was severely wounded. Many of the congregation were besides wounded and maltreated. On the 1st of September, 1815, another proclamation was issued, which still used the language of persuasion to murderers. He made no doubt that the Noble Lord was much better acquainted than himself with all these facts; but the House would take into its consideration the extreme difficulty of procuring authentic information. There had been no difficulty, indeed, in publishing any thing against the Protestants; the conductors of the journals were permitted, nay, they were even courted, to publish statements against those persons; but the police would not suffer a single paragraph to be inserted with regard to their sufferings. He was himself present in the Chamber of Deputies, when a discussion took place on the personal liberty of the subject; and because one of the representatives, Monsieur d'Argenson, stated, that there had been persecutions in the South of France, a great part of the assembly rese in a most tumultuous manner, and in the coarsest terms insisted that he should be called to order. He (Sir Samuel Romilly) then saw a gentleman in his place who was present in the French Chamber on that occasion, and he appealed to that Honourable Member to corroborate this statement. The President yielded to the cry of the House, and Monsieur d'Argenson was I called to order. It was notorious, however, that only six days before he nade that speech, the blood of the Protestants was flowing down the streets of Nismes, and it was only a fortnight before that the king's general was wounded; and yet he was called to order for stating that there had been a persecution in the South. [Hear, hear!] When General Legarde was wounded at Nismes, the king published a proclamation on the subject; and

Sir GERARD NOEL rose to call the Honourable and Learned Gentleman to

order. It seemed to him, that the House would act very unwisely, if they should allow the Honourable and Learned Gentleman to proceed with these details. He had been admitted into the Chamber of Deputies by courtesy, as an English gentleman on his travels; and he had no right to make use of what he then heard for the purpose of grounding an inquiry in the English House of Commons. It would be a great breach of confidence in the Honourable and Learned Gentleman, [a laugh,] and was derogatory to the high character and dignity of the House. Repeated laughter and loud calls to Sir Samuel Romilly to proceed.]

Sir SAMUEL ROMILLY said, he could easily remove all embarrassment from the mind of the Honourable Baronet, with respect to being guilty of any breach of confidence, as he was only stating what the French government itself had permitted to be published in all the newspapers on the following day. [Hear, hear!] He repeated, that there was no hesitation whatever on the part of that governinent in publishing every thing against the Protestants. The four deputies of the department of La Gard published in the Quotidienne a sort of protest against the king's proclamation, and declared that the tumult was excited only by a few old women. On the 12th of November the prefect issued a proclamation, and, in the name of the department, promised a reward of 3,000 francs to any person who should make known the name of the individual who had shot the General, and bring him before him. This man, however, had not been prosecuted or punished; nay, he had not been seized, though his name was well known to be Boisset. The proclamation of the king said, that an atrocious crime had been committed;" but what followed? It called upon the magistrates to disarm all the Protestants; and why? Because, as the prefect stated, a tumult had been excited by a few old women! On the 19th of December, the mayor published a proclamation, stating, that the Protestant churches should be re-opened on the following Thursday, and an assurance was given to the people that the Protestants should have churches built out of the city. Of the two churches of the Protestants at Nismes,

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one had been bought by themselves, and the other was given to them by the government; but, instead of these, they were to be permitted to build two new ones beyond the walls of the town at their own expense. Now, he would ask, what had this to do with politics? What had this to do with Buonaparte? The House would sce that all this was purely religious. On the 9th of January the king published another proclamation, stating, in the first place, that his orders had met with that respect and submission which he had a right to expect.'" But what was the nature of this respect and submission-only that the Protestants had been disarmed. It then declared, "that the temple of the Protestants was open, and that they enjoyed all the protection of the law;" and it concluded with "his Majesty's thanks to his good people of the city of Nismes." This must be considered as a kind of general amnesty; and the fact really was, that not a single individual had been prosecuted or punished. The present condition of the Protestants certainly was so far in a state of security, that since the month of December no murder or cruelty had been committed; but he had been informed by a gentleman who had recently arrived from the city of Nismes, and on whose veracity he could place the utmost reliance, that the Protestants were continually driven away from the public walks. Whenever they ventured to appear in such places, they were jostled by the very persons who had murdered their wives, their husbands, brothers, sisters, and dearest relations. The prisons were now filled with Protestants who had been apprehended on the charge of sedition. In the several departments of France there were not less than 19,000 Protestants in custody upon this pretence. Some were imprisoned for five years, some for ten years, and others for longer periods, on the charge of having sung improper songs. [Hear, hear!] It seemed a most extraordinary thing, that crimes so atrocious as those which he had mentioned should be suffered to pass unpunished, and that such trifling offences as singing a few songs, should be visited in this terrible manner. It was a strange feature of the administration of justice in any country; but that on which he most relied was,

that no person had been yet brought to trial. He did not intend to move that there should be any immediate address to the crown on this subject; but he contended that the Protestants had suffered, not for seditious conduct, but only on the suspicion of entertaining particular opinions. All that he meant to ask for was, that an hunble address should be presented to the Prince Regent, that he would be graciously pleased to lay before the House copies or extracts of all correspondence between his Majesty's government and the government, of France, relative to the Protestants in the South of France. He made this motion in no spirit of hostility against ministers, but to give them an opportunity of making a statement more in detail, than had yet been done. He could give a long list of names of persons who had been murdered at Nismes, but he did not consider it necessary in this stage of the business. Because they were Protestants, they were said to be Buonapartists; and the Catholics, who had been suffered to persecute them, were called Bourbonists. The Noble Lord would have an opportunity of correcting this error, if it were one; and he should be glad to hear that government had used all the means in its power to put a stop to these crimes. In concluding his remarks, he might advert to what had been done by our ancestors on similar occasions: and if precedents were necessary, he need only recall to the recollection of the House what it had recently done for the negroes of Africa. But surely the Protestants of the South of France had equal claims upon our generosity and benevolence, and we ought not to suffer them to be persecuted, imprisoned, and murdered, without some remonstrance to the government which was bound to protect them. At the very moment when these dreadful scenes were acting in Languedoc, Paris was in possession of three Protestant armies, and the king could not look out of the windows of his palace without seeing the cannon that was planted before it. He did not state this for the purpose of bringing a charge against his Majesty; but if he neglected to send assistance to his Protestant subjects, it was the duty of those who commanded the foreign armies to protect and defend them.

The

364 Intelligence-Debate in the House of Commons on the French Protestants.

French government did nothing but give words and make professions; but it was still in our power to interpose all good offices in this case. Tumults had recently arisen in various parts of France; and if disorders should again break out, who could tell what might, be the situation of the unhappy inhabitants of Nismes? He trusted that the House would consider what a heavy responsibility was then upon them, and that, as they would answer to God and their consciences, they would not refuse protection when it was in their power to afford it. [Hear, hear!]

Lord CASTLEREAGH said, that the House must have listened with great pain to the speech of the Honourable and Learned Gentleman, as they must certainly lament to hear that persecutions for religious opinions were still practised in any part of Europe. He did not mean to make any invidious reflection, but he must take leave to say, that the Honourable and Learned Gentleman had drawn a most exaggerated and unfairly coloured picture The Honourable and Learned Gentle man had placed him in a most embarrassing and painful situation. He had addressed himself to the House as to a tribunal that had jurisdiction to inquire into all the circumstances; but if they had even the means of arriving at the truth, they had not the means of applying a remedy to the evils. He must enter his protest against the false policy of interfering with the internal situation of the affairs of other countries, more especially with respect to religious opinions. The Honourable and Learned Gentleman had dwelt with great pains upon the centuries that were gone by, as if he wished to rouse all those bad passions which, he should hope, had been long buried in oblivion. He had also adverted to the impression made on the public mind by the conduct of certain individuals; and had stated, that a sort of countenance was given to their exertions by his Majesty's ministers. If he imagined, however, that government was disposed to encourage those persons, he was certainly incorrect; for they were satisfied, that, notwithstanding the benevolent motives by which those bodies might have been actuated, they had done more harm than good to the cause in which they interposed. He knew that it was not possible to dis

courage the efforts of individuals, but he was confident that his Majesty's government would have lost sight of their duty if they had encouraged them. It was a question of prudence to look at the cases of former interference, and every man who viewed them with an impartial eye, would consider what the spirit of toleration was working in favour of religion. There was a time, indeed, when religion was made a pie tence for imposing a system of government, and then the Protestant powers were obliged to stand together: but we were now placed in a situation in which we might suffer Christianity to effect its own work. He did not say that one government could not communicate on this subject with another; but he did say, that if one government at this day would suffer a foreign state to interfere with it because it administered its laws according to its own conception, that government would be degraded in the eyes of all the world. But suppose we should be rash enough to interfere with another state on this account; if we were not listened to what would become of our dignity? Was the Honourable and Learned Gentleman prepared to state, that he wished an appeal to arms?-[Hear, hear!] He was the more astonished at the Honourable and Learned Gentleman's proposal, when he found he' had not laid the ground for it in the general situation of the Protestants: on the contrary, he had told the House that his was not a charge of religious persecution; he had told them that the evil was local-that it was confined to the department of the Gard-that the Protestants derived their liberty from that man who owed the loss of his life and crown to his benevolence: had he been more vigorous, the world would have been spared those scenes of calamity that had since overwhelmed the whole of the civilized globe. He had commented on the acts of the French government and the proclamation of the king himself. It would be invidious for him (Lord C.) to enter into critical disquisitions on that proclamation, but he was persuaded that the king felt the most sincere desire to put down the hostile feeling against the Protestants: he had not only tolerated but indulged them, and their miseries were only the result of a local feud, such as we had but too often seen in parts of this empire, and which all

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the force of government could not put down at once. Was he (Lord C.) to tell the House, that in the country to which he belonged, a feud, a dispute, which appeared religious, but which was totally unconnected with religion, would often disturb a province for years? In the county of Armagh sects had for two years been waging war with each other, and the whole power of the arm of the law was found insufficient to repress them. Did the House forget the present state of things in Ireland, and would they have us advise a foreign country to interfere in the cause of the Catholics of this country? [Hear, hear!] He was sure that such an interference would not be endured. Whilst there was but one common feeling that of deep grief on the unhappy calamities in France, and an anxious desire to see them terminated; whilst the Honourable and Learned Gentleman himself admitted that no outrages had been committed since December, and now, after such a lapse of time, he came to harrow up the feelings of the House with the recital of calamities we could not redress, he (Lord C.) had hoped that he would lay the question at peace, instead of colouring the proceedings on one side as. highly as he might, if he had pleased, those of the other-instead of inflaming the passions of two sects who were. tearing each other to pieces. This was an act of disrespect to the French people, and not an act of benevolence, whatever might be the motives of the Honourable and Learned Gentleman. He (Lord C.) could not consistently with his public duty acquiesce in producing to the House all the correspondence that had passed on this subject. If ever there was a question on which parliament and every good man should be silent, it was this. He did not mean to deny that communications had passed which had convinced his Majesty's ministers, that though the French government was in the exercise of a power so recent that it could hardly be productive of any great and immediate results, yet that his most Christian Majesty had been most serious in his efforts to repress all persecution. He agreed with the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, that the situation of the Protestants of France had for a long time been a source of pain to every liberal mind; but the emancipation of the Protestants commenced carly in the

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Revolution; it had been followed up; and they enjoyed a degree of freedom they had never known before. Without imputing blame to the sect, without denying that they were a most enlightened people, he should contend that having acquired an extent of power, and that from Buonaparte, they felt interested in the continuance of his power: their conduct showed that they felt this, and had led to a jealousy which was the cause of the present disturbances. If he were to believe the Honourable and Learned Gentleman, and the various publications on the subject, he must imagine that the Catholics had not suffered or been provoked at all, and that this was a gratuitous persecution of the Protestants. Indeed, the Honourable and Learned Gentleman had touched so slightly on the wrongs or provocations of the other side, that though he admitted a few individuals had been sacrificed, yet it would appear from his statement, that in general they had no cause for complaint. He (Lord C.) did not mean to give official information to the House, but he would read a passage from a letter which he believed to be written in a fair and impartial spirit. It contained the opinions of an individual whose sentiinents he wished to receive, because he went out with a mind pure and unbiassed. This letter would bring one point on which the Honourable and Learned Gentien.an had touched slightly--the provocations and wrongs of the Catholics-into open view. Both parties are to a certain degree right;" that was, the Protestants were mixed up with Buonaparte, and imputed to the Catholics jealousy and political dislike; while the Catholics, who adhered to the Bourbons, were afraid of the designs of the Protestants.

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[To be continued.]

Schools for All.

The Anniversary Meeting of this grand British Institution, was held on Monday, the 13th of May, at the Lon-, don Tavern, the spacious ball-tcom of which was thronged, and had a large proportion of respectable females.

The Duke of Bedford was expected to take the chair; but not arriving, the Right Hon. Lord Mayor took it pro tempore, and being obliged to wait on the Prince Regent, resigned to Sir

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Intelligence.-Schools for All.

J. Jackson, who also, on the arrival of the Duke of Kent, resigned it to his Royal Highness.

The Rev. Dr. Collyer read the Report, which paid some well-merited compliments to the memory of the late Secretary, Joseph Fox, Esq. by whose noble benevolence the great cause had been rescued from failure, he having taken upon himself the engagements which Mr. Lancaster bad entered into, but could not meet to a very considerable amount. The Report quoted the exertions making in Southwark, as an example to the City of London, and to the rest of the United Kingdom; stated that the invested subscription, which was accumulating for the purpose of raising £10,000, had arisen to £7,000, and that the remaining £3,000 was expected to be raised, as first hoped for, within the present year. The funds of the Institution were still lamentably narrow, when compared with the great object in view but the Report recommended perseverance, and the union of all good men of all persua sions, and the great object would be attained. The harvest was generally promising. ..... The vast empire of Russia was of good promise; its government felt the value of general education, and was preparing for a hearty co-operation with this Society, A society was establishing in that empire for the purpose. It was with very mingled emotions that the Society looked to France, whose public schools, once on a footing of liberality, now refused instruction to any but professed Catholics, though its population contained at least sixteen millions, who could neither read or write! All the masters, who conscientiously could not be Papists, were, whatever their talents, dismissed from the schools, to which they had been great ornaments. This was a source of deep regret. Much good, nevertheless, had been done. The British system had been transplanted into France, and exhibited in its beauty and strength to the admiring eyes of Frenchmen.

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Switzerland was busily opening schools for general education, under the patronage of the Plenipotentiary of that country to the Congress at Vienna,--a gentleman, to whose praise it should be known, that when offered a national recompence for his high

services, he declined it; but prayed that the amount, with an addition from himself, might become the beginning of a national fund for a freeschool, on the model of the British free-school.

Through the lamented loss of Mr. Fox, who was, when taken ill, engaged on the business of the Foreign part of the Report, but a scanty, account could be given of Asia.

In Africa the cause had received a severe check. Mrs. Sutherland had yielded to the pressure of the climate, and Mr. S. had returned ill; but yet, under the fostering care of Lieut. Col. M'Carthy, the Governor of Sierra Leone, between two and three hundred children were receiving education, and this under the superintendence of the eldest African youth trained by this Society.

Unshackled by prejudice, America was progressing in education. She had shown her wisdom by the adop tion of a liberal system, and a school on the principle of exclusion was not known in the United States. The legislature of New York had given repeated encouragement by grants. A society was formed there for the education of all the children not provided for by some religious establishment. On a Sunday morning between eight and nine hundred children assembled under that society, and branched off at a given hour to the respective places of public worship appointed by their parents. Female associations were forming for instruction of the girls in needle-work.

The legislature of Halifax had voted £400 to the schools there, in token of approbation of the very manifest change for the better, in the character and conduct of the children.

Very great emotions of pleasure appeared to agitate the assembly, when that part of the Report which regards Hayti was read. The Chief, Christophe, deeply penetrated with the benefits of knowledge and the diffusion of the Scriptures, invites among his people, all those who could contribute to their improvement. In a proclamation in the gazette of Hayti, he says,"I invite professors of all sciences no difference of religion shall be deemed an exclusion. Merit and ability alone shall be considered, without regard to the nation which gave birth,

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