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Royal edict." The vigorous and unanimous efforts of the allied powers have happily been attended, under the favour of divine providence, with the most glorious and extraordinary successes, which were followed by the cessation of hostilities with France. Being desirous that my faithful vassals may, in consequence, enjoy, as soon as possible, the great benefit and advantage of a free communication with all nations, I have been pleased to order, that the ports of my states, from the date of this my royal decree, shall admit the entry of the ships of all nations that may be presented before them, and the departure of the same, whatever destination they may have received, that as much as possible the friendly relations and reciprocal interests with their respective countries may be re-established. It is commanded that this edict be published and placarded in the usual manner, by the poper authorities.
"Rio Janeiro, &c. With the rubric of the Prince Regent, our sovereign."
Liberty.-Equality.- Decree. Alexander Petion, president of Official account of the imports and
exports, with their excess, and the ba
lance of trade between Great Britain and all the colonies in North America:
Hayti, considering that the trade with Great Britain has been very advantageous to the republic, and has even aided it in the most critical circumstances in which it has been placed, and wishing to encourage the same more and more, has decreed, and does decree as follows
Art. 1. Reckoning from the 1st of January 1815, merchandize manufactured in countries under the dominion of his Britannic Majesty shall be subjected to a duty of only 5 per cent. according to the tariff of the 22d of May 1810, upon their import into the country.
2. All merchandize, other than the above described, shall continue, as before, to pay an import duty of 10 per cent. according to the same tariff.
It is said that the exports from this country to St Domingo, in the course of the last twelve months, amounted to no less than £.1,200,000; and these must be greatly increased in consequence of the decree in question. We may consider this extraordinary commercial advantage as one of the happy consequences of our act for the abolition of the slave trade.
Exports. Imp. Exc.
Balance in favour of Great Britain,..
Annual average of last 13 years, ................................
N.B. The documents for the year 1813 were consumed by the late fire at the Custom-house.
Antwerp, Dec. 21.-The alteration of the tariff duties on importation for home consumption in this country, with which we have so long been threatened, has at length been published and put into force; it is dated the 5th inst. issued by orders of the Prince of Orange Nassau, and has cordially in view the protection of the manufactures of this country. The duties are to be most imperiously enforced, and if the goods reported are undervalued, or not found agreeable to the return of the importer or agent, the same are confiscated, and a fine beside levied on the offender.The vessels as they arrive are to be unloaded in rotation of their arrival, and at given hours in the day: and every measure has been adopted to give efficacy to the regulations which must become a most important branch to the revenues. The following are the most important items of duties to be levied on goods reported for consumption in this country, and it is to be understood, that, as heretofore, all goods may be bonded, or lodged in entrepot, and sold for re-exportation duty free, except a small sum not exceeding one-half per cent. on the value of produce, nor has the duty on goods which are to pass through this country in transit undergone any
SONG At the Musomanic Society of Anstruther. TUNE-"Hey, Tuttie, Tattie."
UNEXTINGUISH'D spark of sky,
Spirit that can never die! Of thy children hear the cry, Sacred Poesy! O'er this scene do thou preside, Joy and Pleasure at thy side! From thy servants-hallow'd guide! Never, never fly!
Should Misfortune sullen lour, On our short terrestrial hour,
change, the payment of one per cent. on the value remains as heretofore, and all description of merchandize may pass through Belgium and Flanders to the neighbouring states:-
Cotton-twist of all descriptions is prohibited altogether for entry or consumption or use in Belgium. White cotton goods, at or under the value of 1 frank per Brabant ell, and printed cotton goods, at or under the value of 2 franks per Brabant ell, are prohibited; whatever is above that value pays 10 per cent. Woollen goods, as cloths and coatings, pay as follows, per Brabant ell:-At or under 4 franks to 6 franks, 12 per cent.; 6 franks to 9 franks, 7 per cent.; above 6 franks, 4 per cent. Refinedas well as crushed sugars, which used to pay 8 per cent. have been raised to 20 franks per cent. Earthen ware 20 per cent.; drugs 3 per cent.; spices 4; cutlery 12; rum and arrack 7 franks per 100 libres (about 20 gallons,) besides the very heavy rum duty, which altogether is nearly 60 franks for the same quantity; tinplates 6 per cent. Coffee has been reduced to 1 frank per cwt.; and raw articles, such as cottons, dye-wood, raw sugars, &c. are admitted free of duty, on the payment of 1 per cent.
Proceedings of Parliament.
HOUSE OF LORDS.
November 30. 1814.
THE Lord Chancellor introduced a Bill
for establishing the Trial by Jury in Scotland, in Will Causes. To be considered after the recess.-The question that the House do adjourn to Thursday February 9, was then put and carried, after some observations from the Duke of Sussex and Lord Donoughmore, on the unpromising state of continental affairs, and the spirit of aggrandisement evinced by several powers, coupled with a request for information.
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Monday, November 21.
ARMY ESTIMATES.-Mr Whitbread said, that a written treaty had been concluded between the Emperor of Austria and the King of Naples, guaranteeing to the latter his throne, and to which Lords Castlereagh and Bentinck were parties, yet Ministers had professed to know nothing of this. A pecuniary treaty had been concluded with Spain which had not been produced. He wished to know whether the partition of Saxony had been agreed to by Lord Castlereagh. He could anticipate no lasting peace,
ben he saw the great powers forming a foces of discontent by the addition of other states to their territories. With respect to America, he must compliment Ministers; for they had fought and negociated in such a manner as to induce the two parties to unite heartily in the prosecution of the war.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, that the negociation at Ghent was not broken off, but still proceeding; he knew of no engagement with Murat of Naples, beyond a mere convention of arms, and the treaty with Spain would be forthcoming.
Mr Ponsonby noticed an additional article in the treaty with Russia, by which Great Britain engaged to maintain the Russiza flest, not only in our harbours, but for a certain period after a peace.
Mr Tierney stigmatised the transfer of Saxony as a monstrous act of in justice.
Mr Whitbread said, Lord Castlereagh had not a very high opinion of his colleagues, since he had not informed them of the fate of Saxony further to illustrate this want of information, he read the following extract Jan. 1815.
from Lord W. Bentinck's official note to the Duke de Gallo, the Neapolitan Minister.
"Bologna, April 1, 1814.-" In case of the Neapolitan Government exacting a written confirmation of the sentiments which Lord Castlereagh had verbally declared; a confirmation which had not been called for, not thinking it necessary, the undersigned is authorised to declare officially, That the English Government entirely approves of the Treaty concluded between the Austrian and Neapolitan Governments: that it consents to the addition of the territory there specified, under the same conditions made by Austria, of an active and immediate cooperation of the Neapolitan army and if the English Government refuses to sign a definitive Treaty, it is caused by sentiments of honour and delicacy, which make it unwilling that the hereditary estate of an ancient ally should be given up without an indemnity; and the undersigned has in consequence orders to invite the Neapolitan Government to make the greatest efforts in order to obtain the same object."
Mr C. Monck complained of our having transferred the Ionian Islands to Austria; and Mr Horner, alluding to our proposals to America, said, for our maritime rights the country would fight to the last; but for extension of territory it would not willingly expend a shilling.
Mr Wellesley Pole complained of the questions put to Ministers on insufficient authority: "We (said the Right Honourable Gentleman) are not answerable for every thing that is published in pamphlets-we are not accountable for the contents of newspapers-we cannot disclose communications made confidentially to us-we cannot give explanations upon topics now before the Congress we are bound to keep the secrets of State to ourselves-we cannot attempt to give any justification of our conduct now, --we must leave it to a future opportunity, when our Noble Colleague returns-at present, we cannot make disclosures - our tongues are tied—-( Hear, hear ! loud Laughter.) We have a right to conceal what we do not think should be published."
respondence relative to the two Spaniards who had sought refuge at Gibraltar, but had been delivered up by Gen. Smith, at the instance of Sir James Duff, the British Consul at Cadiz, to the Spanish Government, spoke with considerable severity of the interference of Sir James. Three hundred peasants had, in like manner, been surrendered; and in these acts the British Governor made no distinction between acknowledged crimes and alledged political offences.
Mr Vansittart said, the Government entertained so just an abhorrence of the tyranny of the Spanish Government, that Lord Bathurst had written to Gen. Smith, cautioning him against a repetition of his conduct: the motion as amended for extracts, instead of the letters, was agreed to.
Colonel Palmer said, that after the recess, he should again bring forward the subject of the late Court-Martial.
Monday, November 28.
On the report of the Committee of Supply being brought up, Mr Whitbread said, that the King of Sicily had told his Parliament that England had made loans to him, and asserted, that besides past favours received by his subjects, still greater might be expected from us.
Mr Vansittart replied, that the loans alluded to were small advances made by Lord Bentinck in 1812, to the amount of 150,000l. and which was in truth only an anticipation of the annual subsidy granted by England, and from which it had afterwards been deducted. He had never stated that Lord W. Bentinck had guaranteed the Crown of Naples to Murat; but only that that Nobleman had undertaken to use his endeavours to induce the King of Sicily to accept an indemnity in case it should be thought necessary at the Congress that Naples should continue to be held by the present possessor.
A conversation now took place respecting Saxony. Mr Whitbread commented with severity on the annexation of that country to Prussia; and he quoted Prince Repnin's proclamation from the foreign journals, to prove that Lord Castlereagh had assented to that unjust act, in consideration (as he supposed) of the Elector of Hanover having been made a King. He was at the same time represented as having opposed the independence of Poland. He wished the Hon. Gentleman would, before the recess, give some information respecting the situation of Saxony and Poland.
Mr Vansittart replied, " I feel no objection to give the Hon. Gentleman some information upon one or two of the points to which he has referred: first, with regard to Saxony, I believe that the fate of that kingdom has not, and cannot have yet been decided, be
cause the Congress by which the decision is to be made is not yet met; I cannot therefore believe that the fate of Saxony is yet fixed-much less do I believe that any British minister would have been a party to any such decision as is supposed to have been made. little do I believe (and the Hon. Gentleman will have reason on some future day to recollect my assertion) that any British minister will be a party to the subjugation of Poland."
Mr Whitbread said, he was hardened against the implied threat. If he knew but little, the Right Hon. Gentleman knew less. Instead of his hopes-expects and belicves— why not tell them at once from the tenour of Lord Castlereagh's letters, that Saxony had neither been delivered up, nor was to become the property of Prussia.
Mr Vansittart, that he might not be misunderstood, explained as follows:-" What I said was, that the fate of Saxony waɛ not, I believed, and could not be, decided, because by the last accounts the Congress had not yet met, whose duty it is to decide; therefore, I presume that any occupation of Saxony which has taken place, according to the public accounts, can only be provisional, merely a military occupation of the country, such as was before maintained by the Russians. This was all I meant to state with respect to Saxony, and the British Minister therefore was not a party to the transaction. As to Poland, what I said was, that it would not be found that a British Minister had been THE AUTHOR of the subjugation of that country."
Mr Ponsonby said, he would willingly hope, not only that our minister would not be a party to such a transaction, but also that the King of Prussia would not. What had been his sentiments and conduct at the treaty of Chaumont? The first article of that treaty recited the wrongs committed by Bonaparte in Germany, and that the Allies were anxious to recover and to protect "the rights and liberties of all nations:" yet in so short a time the whole of Saxony was delivered up to the dominion of Prussia, and the people transferred like so many cattle in a fair, and this was called a provisional occupation of the country. Such had been the conduct of the two great powers of Russia and Prussia. The right hon. gentleman said the Congress had not yet met. What signified whether the Congress met or not, if these two powers continued to pursue such conduct? The whole business was a deception and false colouring, calculated to impose on the world; and our minister being present, and not quitting Vienna as soon as he saw what the views of those powers were, had debased and degraded this country in
the eyes of Europe. If the accounts in the papers were true, what were the great armies kept on foot for? Was it for the liberties of Europe? No; it was to overawe the people of Saxony, while the scandalous plans of the two powers were carrying into execution. He should be happy if ministers could deny this view of the matter, but he thought it impossible.
Mr Bathurst rose several times to explain. He at first asserted that ministers were not speaking on the ground of reports, but they had official information that our Minister had never assented to any decision about Saxony; afterwards that they had accounts that no final decision had taken place respecting Saxony, which was to be held in trust for Prussia until the settlement made by the Congress; and again, that Prince Repnin's proclamation, being from Dresden, of the 11th, the same date as Lord Castlereagh's last dispatches from Vienna, the latter could make no mention of the circumstance. Ministers had no doubt the proelamation was unauthorised.
Mr Lyttleton, from residence abroad, could assert that the Saxons, with the exception of six or seven persons who had been bribed by Russian money or Russian honours, protested against the annexation of their country, and called for the restoration of their Sovereign. The resolutions were then voted.
Wednesday, November 30.
A Bill introduced by Alderman Smith was read a first time for repealing the assize of Bread in the metropolis, and empowering magistrates to punish bakers mixing improper ingredients with their bread, and also chandlers in whose possession light bread might be found.
On Mr Serjeant Best moving for the number of insolvent Debtors released from the
Fleet and King's Bench under the insolvent Act, in order to devise some means to distinguish the unfortunate from the fraudulent debtor, Mr Lockhart said, he should, after the recess, submit a motion for amending the Act. Mr Horner said, the act had been effective, and it would prevent that indiscreet credit usually given by tradesmen. Serjeant Best replied, some tradesmen must either trust or lose their business.
ACCOUNTS from St Domingo to the 1st
of November, enable us to contradict a statement from Jamaica of a Treaty by which both Petion and Christophe were said to have consented to surrender to France the parts of St Domingo which they respectively governed. It is true, that M. Auxion Lavay sse, a member of Robespierre's Committees of Public Safety, who was pitch
Mr IIorner moved for a variety of papers as to the manner in which the war had been carried on in Canada, the Courts Martial on Capt. Barclay, Gen. Proctor, &c. which, with the addresses from Bristol, Liverpool, &c. respecting American privateers on our coast, he considered as an impeachment of the Naval Administration of the country.
A very long discussion, in which all the leading members participated, ensued: the papers were granted, except the Court Martial on Gen. Proctor.- Mr Whitbread, at the close of a vehement attack accusing Ministers of wishing to screen themselves from the consequences of their neglect in not supplying all our commanders in America, with troops, vessels, ammunition, &c. said, that it was fortunate for one Rt. Hon. Gentleman, (Mr W. Pole,) that he was the brother of the Duke of Wellington. The world was full of his Grace's achievements; he had conquered every thing that was opposed to him, and he had afterwards conquered the Mint for the Right Hon. Gentleman.
Mr W. Pole said, that his brother was in. deed desirous that he should be in the administration, but the invitation had come direct from Lord Liverpool.
The question that the House do Adjourn to Feb. 9, was then put and carried by 63 to 23.
ed upon by the Provisional Government, which for a few days preceded the recal of Louis XVIII. to go as Commissioner to Hayti, had arrived at Jamaica, from whence he addressed two letters to Petion and Christophe. To the first he held out such specious offers as he imagined likely to operate on his mild and tractable character, to induce him to return to the allegiance of the Bourbons. To the second, whose ferocious propensities are well known, he used threats of vengeance. The letter to Petion