Imatges de pàgina
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sellor or judge in a parliament, and he thus became a noble; but in the greater nummitted, or they were at least preferred, ber of parliaments, nobles alone were ad, hereditary by the judges disposing of them and in general those places had become bers of families of which the heads had in favour of their sons. There were numbeen presidents or counsellors since the time of Francis 1. and these were called families of the old robe, and were much considered, though not upon a footing with the families of quality,

recourse to the expediency of a false gene-lowed by law to buy the charge of coun, alogy. In short, that foolish regulation introduced by the Duke of Duras, offended as much the vanity of the nobles, who were not of quality, as the privileges of the nobility in general displeased the bourgeois. It was, however, by no means difficult to become a noble. nobled, some immediately, others after Many places entwenty years possession, others the children of those who possessed them; and the greater part of them could be bought for a sum of money. There was, however, more or less consideration attached to the different ways in which nóbility was acquired : letters of nobility granted by the King as a reward for merit were regarded as the most honourable; and the purchase of a sinecure charge of King's Secretary, which ennobled immediately, was thought the least so. But in whatever way nobility was ac quired, it was requisite to be the third de-esquire, they will be able to form some scendant of an ennobled or new noble, to be styled a gentleman, or entilhomme.

In the provinces where there were States General, it was necessary to be a gentle man to have a right of voting as a neble in those assemblies, and by an ill-judged ordonnance about twenty years before the revolution, except the sons of officers who had obtained the cross of St. Louis, none but those who proved themselves gentlemen were allowed to enter as officers in the French infantry. Though this ordonnance was by no means punctually executed, it served very much to facrease the animosity that prevailed in the bulk of the nation against the nobility.

In assemblies of the nobility for sending deputies to the States Genera' of the kingdom, the newest noble had the same right to vote, and to be elected, as the most ancient, but in the public opinion there was a great difference made between new and old nobility, and without any positive law it had become a custom to give the greater part of places of importance in the church and army, to men of ancient families. In the ministry, however where talents were absolutely necessary, men of very common families got often a seat, and they and their families were afterwards classed among the court nobility. As to the Parlaments, which were the supreme courts of justice, almost a.. the members of them were nobles, and they bought their places or charges at a very dear rate.

It was

merely the consideration attached to their situation which engaged them to follow a laborious profession, and to go through the preliminary studies requisite for exercising it. Any person of a decent family was al

If our readers would conceive of

all the Lords of Manors in our island, as constituting a body of noblesse, enbility of their places and pursuits, are creased by all who from the respecta, honestly intituled to the destination of

notion of the mass which in France procould not but come into collision daily, claimed hereditary privileges. These and almost hourly, with men who felt their superiority in talent, influence, and real importance to the vicinage,

and to the state.

Noblesse emigrated, their lands were When a great proportion of the French seized and sold. sidered those who were interested in the purchase of these lands, as forming the We have always conmain obstacle to the King's settlement; luable information on this particular, lest they should be required to restoré their purchases. Our author gives va

Though all the holders of emigrant properthe original purchasers, that did not deservė ty were not Jacobins, there were very few of that epithet.

made a very great difference between the church lands and those of the emigrants; The public opinion had and though the true royalists and men of very delicate principles would not have any thing to do even with the former; still hated the revolution, had purchased them. many different people and even many who The purchasers of the emigrant lands, on the contrary, were all violent revolutionary men, or at least were considered as men without honour, except those who bought them in order to give them back to the when almost all the emigrants were alowners. Many did so, twelve years ago, lowed to go back to France, except about Many others compromised with the emia hundred who remained with the King. grants, who, for a sum of money ratified the

sale of the property; and these, though they had made good bargains, were considered as lawful proprietors, and had nothing to fear. As to the common peasants, many of whom had a few acres of emigrant lands, they had generally bought them at second hand from those who had got their purchasers ratified, or they would have been | at least easily disposed to enter into an agreement with the original proprietors. One may safely say, that all those who possessed considerabie emigrant property without ratification, were at least men of no principles, if not political delinquents; they may then be classed with these, and deserve the name of Jacobins. By that denomination I mean men without honour 1 or virtue, who hate any government founded on such principles, whose only aim is fortune and power, and whose pretended love of liberty is nothing more than the desire of impunity for their vices. All these jacobins, though they hated the king, were at bottom no friends of Buonaparte. They agreed with him in their love of vice, but they disliked his despotism, and regretted the power and licence they had enjoyed under the republic. Some of them were republicans, others, with more reflexjon, desired a king of their own creation, whom they night govern but they all preferred Buonaparte to a legitimate and virtucus sovereign.

Not the least eminent chief of the Jacobin party is Carnot, a man into whose hands it seems likely that a considerable part of the governing power may fall; and therefore we add his portrait, as drawn in this work.

Carnot emigrated in 1790, with D'Arcon, the celebrated engineer officer. It seems they thought themselves treated by the French Princes at Coblentz, in a manner not suitable to their merit, and returned to France from offended vanity. That motive threw them into the popular party, and Carnot, who became a member of the Convention, voted the King's death with a thorough conviction. of his innocence, and without even any kind of hatred to him. His motives were the desire of committing the Convention by such an act so as to prevent it ever treating with the legitimate princes, and the hopes of obtain ing under a new government a place worthy of the idea he had of his abilities. Being a cold impassionate man, he committed personally none of those excesses of which his colleagues were guilty, but he tolerated them all, and put his name with perfect indifference to those abominable

lists of proscription drawn out by the members of the Committee of Public Safety, As a proof of his unfeeling sophisticated heart, I can assure you as a fact, that in a conversation with a gentleman of my acquaintance on the probable consequences of the King's death, which was then in agitation, he allowed it would occasion a general war, and cost perhaps the lives of a million of men; but what signifie§, added he, a million of lives when it is necessary to establish a new principle! When he voted against Buonaparte's assuming the title of Emperor, it was a matter of personal animosity, from his having been turned out of his place of minister of war ;'at the same time he was sure he ran no risk by so doing, for he knew Buonaparte wished for a few votes against him, to make it believed there was a perfect liberty of voting as one pleased.

Carnot was among the number who plotted for the return of Buonaparte; and subscribed towards the sum necessary to bribe the army: these services, with others derived from the party, threw him into their arms on his return from Elba.

On his first arrival, he kissed over and over his good friends, Carnot and Fouché, and swore that, corrected by misfortune, he would henceforward conduct himself He would not

solely by their counsels.

even allow the former to call him Ser (the French expression for addressing crowned heads, and with tears in his eyes, begged to be treated with the name of old cou rade!

He felt that they had the power, while he had the name of Emperor. Whenever he quits it, they assume it.

From these extracts our readers will perceive that this pamphlet contains much information, and generally such as may be relied on.

As to the Ministers chosen by the King, if he really had his free choice, which may be doubted, surrounded as he was by partizans and intriguers, wè know not whether he could have done better; and though it may be regretted that a greater share of vigour did not animate the Royal Councils, yet the danger of suffering from Scylla in endeavouring to avoid Charybdis was cer tainly imminent. One of these Ministers is thus delineated, A precious specimen of Ministerial vigilance, if the fact be true?

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tious manner,

Our first extract, shews him as a patriot, in the time of the Rebellion, 1745. He associates in defence of his King and Country.

The Abbé Montesquieu's negligence, benevolence and conduct, which shew was as great as his want of discernment. that Mr. W. did not contine bis religion He spent a great part of his time in the to his closet, but called it into exercise company of ladies of wit, as if France had in the world, in a useful and conscien been as quiet as under Louis XV. and allowed his clerks, many of whom were attached to Buonaparte, to do bis business. He used to laugh at the idea that there was any danger to be apprehended from Buonaparte, and gave no credit to the best iuformation on that subject. I have been assured, as an undoubted fact, that a fort. night previous to Buonaparte's landing at Cannes, he received several successive dispatches from M. de Bouthillier, prefect of the department of the Var (a part of Provence), informing him that from the frequent departures and arrivals of suspected people to and from Elba, that there was certainly some plot carrying on, against which it was necessary to take every precaution. Instead of communicating these dispatches to the privy council, he had left them unopened, and first thought of reading them when he heard of Buonaparte's landing at Cannes.

Saturday, November 9, 1745. Last Thursday night our accounts from the North wearing a threatening aspect, a proposal was made for raising an independent company of volunteers in the service of our king and country; and, public notice thereof being given yesterday, an association was signed last night by thirty meu, and to-day by twenty-five more, and four others offered themselves while I was fiuishing my letter to the Bishop of Wor cester. We have therein engaged, in case our army should be defeated, or even in case our coasts should be invaded by a foreign enemy, in entire subjection to the martial laws, to join ourselves to any of the king's regiments of foot, and engage in any martial enterprize, till the said rebellion and invasion be entirely quelled.

An Enlarged Series of Extracts, from the Diary, Meditations, and Letters, of Mr. Joseph Williams, of Kidderminster, this association, not from slavish fear, or I humbly trust that I have engaged in &c. By Benjamin Hanbury, a descend-distrust of the divine goodness or faithfulant of the Author. 8vo. pp. 536. price 14s. Taylor, London. 1815.

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ness, but as a lawful means, necessary, to be used in a time of danger, in entire dependance on the protection, direction, aud MR. Williams was an eminently pious blessing of Heaven: for, with what proman among the Dissenters, and his priety can I pray for.that to be done for Diary, from which extracts, have been, which I have in my power to do? published, both in London, and Edin- tion, to deliver me from invading enemies, How can I trust in God, without presump burgh, exhibits the secret workings of while I neglect to exert the powers he hath his mind. It was composed in short given me for my own deliverance! When and, and by that he thought, no doubt, in the way of earnest, incessant prayer, and it was sufficiently under the seal of se-dependance on God, I have taken the eresy but Mr. Hanbury having made wisest precautions, and used my best enthe systems of short hand his study, deavours for my own defence, and all universally, has succeeded in transcrib-proves inadequate, then I have a sufficient ing these memorandums. warrant to trust him, for that which is out The public received the former edi-finitely above our ways, nor will he conof the power of man." His ways are intions favourably; the present, as being more complete, and unquestionably authentic, will, no doubt, equally meet their approbation. The additions made by the editor are creditable to his research and information: they contribute essentially to the interest of the volume. The principal part of these extracts are spiritual meditations, instances of a fervour of mind, not the lot of all men, But, they also disclose various acts of

descend to do what can be done by a creature. When our blessed Lord would raise dead Lazarus from the grave, he could as ensity have commanded the stone, that lay upon it, to rise, as he could say Lazarus come forth! but the strength of man was equal to remove it, therefore, he said to them that stood by Take ye away the of his power have loosed the hands and stone. Again, he could easily by the word feet of Lazarus from the grave-clothes, and his face from the napkin, but all this, crea

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tures could do: accordingly he said acceptance with God. He wept sore, aud Loose him, and let him go. Frequently freely owned to me many convictious he were the people of God, in Old Testament had had, and resolutions he had. formed, times, invaded by their enemies; but they which had all come to nothing; and that were never delivered before they stood for- to that day he had lived in the neglect ward in their own defence, though often- of prayer, but signified his conviction of tines God interposed in their favour in a the necessity of it, and his resolution, by wonder-working way. We must trust in the help of God, to begin, ond constantly the Lord, and do good; aud commit keep up prayer in his family. I prayed our souls to him in well doing, as to a faith- with them, and took an opportunity of ful Creator.' speaking to his wife, who seems to be a truly pious woman, and endeavoured to convince her of the necessity for his paying all his just debts, if he would make his peace with God by repentance and faith in the blood of Christ. She seemed to hearken to me. He accompanied me afterwards to my inu, and promised to act agreeably to the advice I had given him, Since that I wrote to him to the same purpose. May the Lord set my addresses home to his heart..

This was reasoning and acting like a rian of sense: the association consisted of about a hundred members, says the Editor, accoutred chiefly at Mr. W.'s expense. Such a man was a valuable member of society. But he was valua ble also on other accounts: his sense of true religious morality, led him to do what most men would shrink from, as appears from an instance which he has recorded.

Last October, at Bradford, Wilts, after 1ransacting business with a dissenter in that town, among other things which fe from him in conversation, he let me know, that he had ouce in his life failed, or broke.

Presuming thence that he had paid his debts only by composition, I asked-Whether he had ever paid the surplus, or that which was due to his creditors over and above the composition ? He owned he had not. I therefore told him, with a degree of stern solemuity, that he must do it. I even asked him-How he would dare to stand before the judgment-seat of Christ, his just debts not being paid, and he being able to pay the whole? Many more things 1 said to the same purpose, and in the most solemn manner; for he appears to be in affluent circumstances. The same person told me also, that he intended to ride out in the country next day. I enquired-What necessity there was for his travelling, from home on the Lord's-day? Perceiving there was none, I laboured to dissuade him from his purpose, but could not find that my dissuasion availed any thing. I saw nothing of him at the two first meetings, but in the evening he came, and sat in the table-pew, where I also sat. He seemed to be greatly affected under the sermon. I was very glad to see how he melted under the word, and resolved to spend a part of the evening with him. Accordingly, went to his house, and speut about two hours with him in very free conversation and prayer. I spared not to set his sius in order before him, and to shew him the necessity of repentance and faith in the blood of Christ, in order that he might obtain

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It should not be a few quaintnesses of expression-the manner of the times→ that should diminish our veneration for any man, who, in our own day, should "Go, and do likewise."

On the Slave Trade, and on the Slavery of the Blacks and the Whites. By a Friend of Men of all Colours. Translated from the French of M. Gregoire, formerly Bishop of Blois. 8vo, pp. 100. Conder, London. 1815,

himself as President of the Assembly of M. Gregoire formerly distinguished Amis des Noirs, and by being the first ecclesiastic who took the Constitutional Oath. He has since been among the Legislators of France, President of the Legislative Body, and a Member of the Conservative Senate. He is certainly a man of abilities; but his wisdom is not equal to his eloquence, He has min gled two subjects which common prudeuce would have kept perfectly distinct; and has almost ruined the effect of his arguments on one, by his illjudged speculations on the other,

If it were true, that the Irish really needed emancipation, we should be the first to promote that right; but, if it be true, that the term emancipation im plies no more than the struggle of a few political partizans for political power, then, to draw any comparison between the condition of these people, and that of

African slaves chained together, during the middle passage, is not to serve the cause of Negro freedom, but to injure the cause of those Irish whom it was intended to serve. M. Gregoire may possibly produce an emotion among the French, who are easily moved; but Britons will desire arguments more solid, conclusions more logical, and counsels more practicable.

by the parties concerned, and by the nation at large.

That there is no absolute necessity for the labour of Negroes, says M. Gregoire, has been fully proved.

pamphlets, published by the planters on Among the innumerable volumes, and the subject of the colonies, there are, probably, more than a hundred in which we are assured that the labour of cultivation, We have conversed with several in those tropical countries, is beyond the Frenchmen on the subject of the Slave strength of Europeans, and can only be Trade; they have all thought the phi- undergone by the Slaves. The partisans Janthropy of Britain was merely a mask of Slavery eluded or denied the facts which to conceal the politic intention of pre- these denials were generally seasoned with were brought against their assertions, and venting France from cultivating her abuse of the Abolitionists; (amis des Noirs;) islands. In vain have we appealed to but we have another Colonist who fully facts: to the long struggle on the sub-justifies them in this particular. The pasject, among ourselves-to the labour and sage deserves to be extracted. exertion still necessary, and still una- The indentured labourers, or three-year bated, to carry into execution the de-bondsmen, who were Whites, at the begin terminations of our legislature;-to the ning of the establishment in St. Domingo, honour and character of persons, with performed the very work which is now other topics; they have still retained almost all the inhabitants of the Depend done by the Negroes. Even in our days, their opinion, or rather their prejudice,ency of La Grande Anse, who are for the that to cramp the exertions of the French most part soldiers, mechanics, or poor planter, that he might not rival the Basques, cultivate their property with English, was the true and real object their own hands. contemplated.

M. Gregoire is aware of this disposition among his countrymen; but, he describes them as mere clamours.

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Yes, I will maintain it, on the ground of personal experience, that White men may, without apprehension, cultivate the soil of St. Domingo: they may labour in the fields from six o'clock in the morning Those clamours will now doubtless be till nine, and from four o'clock in the revived, which had almost died away afternoon till sunset. A White with his The friends of the Blacks would have all the plough, will do more work in one day, Whites massacred-the Philanthropists have than fifty slaves with their hoes, and the sold themselves to the Enrlish-the Slave land would be better husbanded: the Tra le question is purely English; it is only Whites, moreover, would be fitter for culan English trick. This accusation were tivating garden ground, for forming and it true, would only prove, that with respect keeping in order the meadows which are to this article at least, the interests of hu- wanted in that country for the improvemanity, and those of the British Government of cattle, horses, and other animals.' ment, are identified.

Buonaparte, by an edict, ordered the abolition of the Slave Trade; but the edict was a nullity, as no efforts had been made to promote it. No ships

were at sea: no intercourse was estab

This fact is of great importance in the present state of France: for if it be tice, that in giving back the islands to true, then it cannot be said with jusFrance, we give an article useless, absolutely useless, without permission to

lished with the islands: no factory ex-import additional labourers.
isted on the slave coast. Yet, as this
act of authority was suffered in France,
as it produced neither complaint nor
commotion, there can be no cause shewn
why a royal edict should not be obeyed
with equal readiness: nor, wherefore
that trade should be resumed, the sup-
pression of which has been acquiesced in,

following extract witness.
That this writer is eloquent, let the

Wo to the policy that would found the others; and wo to the man whose fortune prosperity of a nation on the misery of is cemented by the tears of his fellow men: It is according to the established order of things under the controul of Providence,

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