who will carry him to a distant country, without his consent. A Slave cannot marry without his Master's permission; but a husband and a wife, except in Canara, cannot be sold separately. Children may be separated from their parents, and brothers from sisters. These inhuman acts are checked from a fear lest the husband or parent should desert, as the trouble and expense attending their recovery would exceed their value. The Slave, on the other hand, is prevented from absconding by his strong attachment to his native soil. In former times, a Master had the power of life and death over his Slave. The exercise of such authority would not be allowed under the British Government; for the person of a Sudra is as well protected by law as that of a Raja. This principle, derived from equal laws, has ope rated to prevent the merchandise of Slaves, and to render them less valuable. Some of the superior subdivi sions of the Sudra tribe have in modern times emancipated themselves; but in general, Slaves never obtain their freedom except when their Masters are reduced to indigence or their families become extinct. With respect to the effects of Sla very in British India, they may be justly estimated from what has been already stated. They have been de scribed by that religious, humane, learned and impartial observer Doctor Francis Buchanan. This gentleman was employed by the Marquis of Wellesley to inspect the state of our Indian Provinces. In his book, dedicated to the East-India Company, he has given a statistical account of the Slaves in those parts which he had visited. Speaking from ocular demonstration and after patient research, he says, "When the crop is not on the ground, the Slaves are kept with the labouring cattle, in a house built at some distance from the abode of free men; for these poor creatures are considered as too impure to be permitted to approach the house of their Lord. In fact, the Slaves are very severely treated; and their diminutive stature and squalid appearance shew evidently a want of adequate nourishment. There can be no comparison between their condition and that of the Slaves in the West-India Islands, except as regards the marriage state." These assertions of Dr. Buchanan have been partially contradicted in reports made by the Collectors of Revenue who preside in the Slave districts-men of worth and talent. Admitting most of the facts I have stated, they have maintained generally that the condition of Slaves differs little from that of free labourers. Miserable then must be the condition of other productive classes in our Eastern possessions. Having alluded to the reports of certain Collectors on the subject of Slavery in British India, I am bound in justice to them and to the local Government to disclose what occasioned the inquiries from which those reports resulted. The third Judge of Circuit in Malabar reported in 1819, through the Adawlut Court, the seizure of certain Slaves, being British subjects, for the payment of arrears of revenue due from their Masters The to the Madras Government. Governor in Council, consisting of the Right Hon. Hugh Elliot, Mr. Fullarton, and Mr. Alexander, with becoming feeling and wisdom, now call upon the Board of Revenue to state," Whether the practice which actually prevails with respect to the sale of Slaves should be permitted to continue as at present, or whether it ought to be laid under such restrictions as would render it less objectionable, or to be altogether abolished, as productive of evils for which no adequate remedy can be devised." The Board of Revenue, on the receipt of this order, direct the Collectors of Revenue to report fully on the state of Slavery in their respective districts. The Collector of South Arcot observes, that "Slavery in India is free from many objections that exist against West-India Slavery. The Slave is not sent to a foreign land." No; but, like the West-Indian Slaves, many of their ancestors came from a foreign land. "The convention," he continues, "is mutual, and the Slave enjoys his purchase-money." I shall answer this assertion in the words of the Collector of Canara: "The price," says he, "of a Slave is from twelve to twenty-six rupees; of a child, four rupees. So that for four rupees the posterity of a man may be enslaved from generation to generation. The Zilla Court has guaranteed, this right by decrees both on transfer of landed property, and in sale in execution of decrees." The Collector of Trichinopoly writes thus: "In the wet districts there are 10,000 Slaves; in the dry districts about 600 Slaves. A female Slave is here never sold; while in Malabar, men, women and children, are sold indiscriminately, The Slaves are athletic and tall. The abolition of Slavery here would be attended with ruinous consequences. It may be urged that there is something degrading in a Government being con, cerned in selling human beings like so many cattle. It would PERHAPS be better if it could be avoided; but so long as the land continues possessed by Brahmin Merassidars, who by the laws of Caste are prevented from personally exercising the offices of agri, culture, I see no means of cultivating the land or collecting the revenue without the establishment of Slaves." No! Why not, as in other parts of India, by free persons of the labouring classes? This gentleman does not seem to be aware that (to borrow the language of Adam Smith) "the experience of all ages demonstrates that the work done by Slaves is the dearest of any; their interest being to eat as much and to labour as little as possi ble. Thus the planting of sugar and tobacco can pay for slave cultivation, but corn cannot.". This Collector further asserts, "that the human principle of self-interest is conducive, in the present instance, to soften seve, rity." The same may be said in all instances of bondage, or other oppression, because self-interest, rightly understood, excites to render others free and happy. “I will suppose," observes this Revenue Officer in conclusion, "that by a Proclamation of Go vernment the establishment is directed to be abolished. In this case, the consequence would be either the desertion of the Slaves, or that they would remain in statu quo!" The answer is, that neither would occur; for the emancipated Slave would not quit the soil to which he is known to be so strongly attached, and his condition would necessarily be improved. Any arbitrary Proclamation, however, on this subject, would be highly objectionable. We should follow the wise example set in Ceylon; where, by the perseverance, talent, address, and in fluence of an individual, the Masters were persuaded to emancipate their Slaves. Sir Alexander Johnson, after ten years' exertion, succeeded in prevailing on the Special Jurymen of various castes and persuasions to entertain the subject. They called a general meeting, and declared that all children born of their Slaves after the 12th August, 1816, should be free. These children were to be educated by their Masters, and provided for till the age of fourteen. "It is our desire," say these Dutch slave-owners, "if possible, to disencumber ourselves of that unnatural character of being proprietors of human beings." Thus Slavery, which had prevailed in Ceylon for centuries, and which was supposed to be too closely interwoven with the native institutions to admit of reform, was abolished. This noble example was followed at Malaccas, at Bencoolen, at St. Helena, and in South America. May it be speedily followed in British India, in the United States of America, and in every part of the world! The Board of Revenue having deliberated on these reports of their Collectors, reply to the Government, in substance as follows: "THE SALE, by public auction, of THE SLAVES OF THE REVENUE DEFAULTER, took place without the knowledge of the Collec tor. On a petition being presented to him, he ordered the paddy-seed and Slaves to be restored. The order, the Board observe with great regret, was not obeyed, and the four Slaves were sold for thirty-two rupees. [About four pounds sterling.] The Collector states, that the sales of Slaves, both in execution of decrees for arrears of revenue, and mutual and private contracts, is as common as the sale of land; for if the soil is sold, what can be the use of retaining the Slave of it?' The Collector next proves, that, in the space of five years, no less than 186 suits were instituted in the Zilla Court of South Malabar alone, on the subject of Slaves, and in execution of decrees." The Board then enumerate the advantages of Slavery, as set forth by the Collectors, and reason on them in a proper tone. "Where," say they, "in some instances, the Slaves may be considered as in more comfortable circumstances than any of the lower or poorer classes; where no want or cruelty is experienced by Slaves;' where the abolition of Slaves would be attended by the most serious and ruinous consequences;' where they seem not to shew any desire to be free;' where the treatment of Slaves is the same as that of other labourers, which is in general of a mild nature;' where the Slaves are on the whole better treated by their Masters, than the common class of free-labourers;' where, finally, 'humanity on the part of the Masters is encouraged by a sense of their own interest, and a disposition to personal cruelty and ill-treatment is checked and restrained by Courts of Justice,' it does not appear to the Board that any IMMEDIATE interference on the part of the Government is PARTICULARLY called for, or that any alteration in the existing state of Slavery should be made, except by degrees and after mature deliberation. But because no immediate measures are URGENTLY called for, it does not follow that the most useful, the most numerous classes of our subjects, should, from generation to generation, continue the hereditary bondsmen of their Masters-incapable of inheriting property of their own; deprived of that stimulus to industry which possession of property ever inspires. And because they are fed, clothed and reconciled to their present condition, it does not follow that the Government should confirm institutions which doom those who have thus fallen into this condition, as incapable of ever again recovering their liberty, or of rising to a level with their fellow-men. Independent of those feelings among freemen which prompt them to extend to every one under their government, the blessings which freedom confers, it appears to the Board, on the mere calculating principle of self-interest and policy, to be desirable that no one should be deprived of the means of acquiring property, or of diffusing those benefits among society which proceed from an increase of capital and wealth. The Board are decidedly of opinion, that Slaves should not be sold for arrears of revenue, and prohibitory orders to this effect will be issued. In Malabar and Canara alone, the Slaves amount to 180,000, and the Board have now under consideration, certain proposi tions from Mr. Greeme, for their amelioration and their gradual emancipation. But whatever may be the future decision respecting those who are already Slaves, the Board think that a regulation ought to be published, to prevent the further extension of Slavery; the further purchase of free persons as Slaves, should be declared invalid and illegal, and ALL children HEREAFTER BORN OF SLAVES SHOULD BE DECLARED FREE. The Board further submit, whether it would not be proper to annex some penalty to the purchase of female children, for the purpose of being brought up as prostitutes. It might further be provided, that Slaves shall have power to purchase their liberty, at the price for which it was forfeited; and, that Slaves attached to lands or estates that may escheat to Government, shall be liberated. Many of these provisions contravene those of the Hindoo law. A formal enactment of them in a code will therefore be necessary." I must here inform your Royal Highness, that the document which I have so largely quoted, was drawn up by those distinguished public servants, Mr. Hodson and Mr. Ellis. It is the result of their joint experience and wisdom; and certainly nothing could be more creditable to their hearts and understandings, or better calculated to promote the eventual abolition of Slavery. We must bear in mind, however, that British subjects are still bought and sold like the beasts of the field; that girls are deprived of their liberty, and for a few shillings disposed of to become prostitutes; and that Slavery is for ever entailed on their descendants. Much has indeed been said on the abolition of Slavery in Indostan, but much remains to be done; "for good thoughts towards men are little better than good dreams, except they be put in act, and that cannot be without power and place." Humbly, therefore, I implore your Royal Highness, to exert your powerful influence with the African Institution, and the Honorable Court of Directors of the East-India Company, to appeal to their judgment and to excite their English feeling by a plain statement of facts here recorded; then to call upon them as Christians, to save our Asiatic fellow-subjects and their offspring from endless bondage. Thus will the rising generation of a distant clime have reason gratefully to bless your memory. I have the honour to be, Your Royal Highness' most humble, And most devoted Servant, SIR, LEICESTER STANHOPE. London, December 10, 1822. INCE I sent you a copy of the SINCE Letter, inserted in your Journal, [XVII. 465,] an authenticated copy of the reply to it has been put into my hands, which I also send you. The parties are strangers to me personally, but are, I have reason to believe, persons of estimable character; and alike, though it seems implicitly, attached to the principles of their education. An increasing spirit of inquiry, arising, perhaps, in some measure, from the intolerant proceedings of the Society of Friends some years ago, has already produced, in these times, its natural fruits, in some of the most active and zealous disciplinarians of that Society, viz. a greater degree of toleration to wards such of its members, in various parts of the kingdom, as are known by them to hold as highly important truths, such religious sentiments as were not long since visited by them with ecclesiastical censure and excommunication. Whether this obvious improvement in the conduct of the Society, is to be imputed to a more general conviction of the inexpediency of persisting farther in such intolerant measures, or to any variation in the views of the present rulers of the Society, concerning the doctrines in question, compared with those which actuated the rulers of the former period, who are gone off the stage of this life, or to any alteration in the sentiments of those who are still amongst its rulers, is not for me to determine. Perhaps it may in part be justly attributed to each of these causes. However that may be, I am well assured that such a difference of conduct as I have stated, towards conscientious believers in the doctrine of the simple Unity of God, as is directly opposed to the doctrine of the Trinity, and is plainly expressed in the language of Scripture, especially in the most definite lan I duly received thy Letter of the 14th instant, and have no wish to disguise the pleasure I felt in reading it. Where is the mind that would not be gratified by others, in what it deems matters of high the approbation, sympathy and zeal of importance? To me it appears to be of the highest importance to impress on the minds of young persons the duty of free and serious inquiry in whatever concerns their well-being. Happy, indeed, should I be, to see the number of the friends of free inquiry increasing, especially in our own Society, for the principles of which I entertain far more respect than I do ciples must not, however, escape examifor those of any other sect. Those prinnation, or be taken upon trust. It is worthy of remark, that the advocates of all new opinions have asserted the right of inquiry, while most of them have shewn themselves really enemies to it in their conduct. Dr. Franklin somewhere says, that we shall find few of the ancient Christians who were not in their turn persecutors and complainers of per secution. Our own Society was thought by many to be remarkably free from a disposition to intolerance, until some occurrences of late years called forth the latent spirit of persecution and dread of inquiry. Let this teach all who are zealous for the promulgation of their religious opinions, to examine well whether they be really free from this almost universal feeling. It certainly requires much less labour, skill and judgment, to discover error than to discover truth, and it is common for persons who see that they have avoidhave none. ed popular errors, to suppose that they The Christianity of the apostles was certainly something very different from that which passes for Christianity in the present day, and presumptuous, indeed, must he be, who imagines that out of the mass of falsehood and rubbish with which it is mixed up and obscured, he has extracted the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth. How absurd, then, to restrain the exercise of that understanding given us of God for the discovery of truth from error! I have sent, as thou requested, a few copies of my Letter, to which thou art extremely welcome; charging for them is out of the question, as they are no SIR, CHARLES ELCOCK. Dec. 15, 1822. I tic Review for Noving the 1822. As that publication is supposed to re- past periods and not on modern events. But it is not my design to dwell on this circumstance, or to lessen the praise the Reviewer would bestow on the truly venerable philanthropist Mr. Allen, whose publication he quotes; nor is it my wish to attempt to coax Friends into the adoption of our system by flattery. My object is to state the concession made to Antitrinita rians in the Eclectic Review of November last. It is there asserted “that the word Trinity is objected to, not only by Quakers, but by many devout persons of other communities, as of huinan invention. But still between the creed of the Quaker and that of pancy is infinite. The distinguishing the modern Unitarian, the discretenet of the former, namely, the perceptible influences of the Holy Spirit, involves in it a practical belief, as far removed from the No-creed of the Socinian, as light from darkness." The readers of the Eclectic Review are aware of the frequency introduced. They know it is the nickname for Unitarian; but they may not believe that modern Unitarians are no more chargeable with Socinus's system than modern Baptists with the Ppractices of their German predecessors. It is high time that those who ment for themselves, should lay aside contend for the right of private judgall terms of reproach towards others who, in the exercise of their reasoning powers, see cause to differ from their brethren. not dwell on the liberality of the ReBut though we canviewer, we may recollect his love of truth, in stating "that many devout persons belonging to other communities object to the term Trinity, as of human invention." This concession is, however, followed by an assertion which deserves remark. Between rians there is an infinite discrepancy;" "the creed of Quakers and Unitaand in the next sentence we are called No-creed Socinians. This indeed may not appear a contradiction to those with which the term Socinian is there who can believe one to be three and |
